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Irreechaa: Color & Treasure of Oromo

Thank you so much Amensisa Ifa for the wonderful job you have done to promote Irreechaa. This documentry is the first of its kind that I have seen that attempts to bring Irreecha, The Thanks Giving Day, celeberated every year by millions of Oromos at Hora Arsedi in Bishoftu to the attention of the world.

Very little attention has been given to this colourful celeberation that we find nowhere in the world but Oromia. The media in the country that claim to be the voice of diversity (EBC, for example) have purposely ignored Irreecha though it deserves a live coverage, promotion and apprecaition. TV Oromiya, which is owned and operated by Oromia Regional state has done less than what is expected from it in promoting Irreechaa. This year what OBS TV did was very encouraging as its journalists followed the whole event and helped us see it at our homes.

Here comes, your documentry which I really liked watching because it is produced in such a way that it gives the picture of Irreecha to those who don’t know about it. We need to do a lot of promotion work as Irreecha has been nominated by UNESCO to be inscribed as the world intangible cultural heritage along with the Gada system. As an Oromo, I am very much proud of you, my brother, as you have set an example to all of us and we have learnt a lot from you.I hope that you will keep on doing what you are doing now. We will be on your side as this is not only your responsiblity; it is also our responsiblity to promote our culture, develop our language and rewrite our history. VIVA Amensisa Ifa!!RESPECT YOU!https:

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The current Political Quagmire in ETHiopia

Wond Wossen

Here is how I read the current political quagmire in the country.
TPLF and OPDO are locked in a very dangerous power struggle. The new OPDO leadership demands a greater share of federal power that is commensurate with the size of the population it “represents”. TPLF insists on maintaining its undue monopoly of federal power.
TPLF controls key federal institutions including the army, the security, media institutions, and telecom and transport infrastructure. The new OPDO leadership has the upper hand in the Oromia regional state. The region’s key institutions, including the regional parliament, the media, the police force, the civil service, the population at large, and even Diaspora “opposition groups” all seem to stand behind the new leadership. The new leadership is exploiting its regional hegemony, and the support it enjoys from the population––a population that is particularly bitter about the TPLF––to break TPLF’s dominance.
ANDM, the least legitimate of the EPRDF parties on account of its deep legitimacy crisis among the Amhara, is following events quietly, perhaps calculating which side to favor when push comes to shove. There is no clear indication yet which side it will take, although I suspect eventually it would favor the victor. After all, ANDM’s history is a history of obedience and servitude. As such, neither TPLF nor OPDO could count on ANDM, apriori, in their ongoing power struggle.
In the meantime, TPLF is using the long arm of the federal government to unsettle the new OPDO leadership. Although exaggerated to an extent, reports of TPLF agents trying to instigate violence in parts of Oromia cannot be discounted altogether. Violence in Oromia is in TPLF’s best interest. First, violence, especially when it assumes an ethnic character, helps to stain the Oromo struggle in the eyes of other Ethiopians and discredit the new OPDO leadership. Second, it creates the perfect excuse for TPLF to unleash its army against peaceful protesters, and show who is really in charge (just as it did in Ambo few days ago!), putting OPDO and its nationalistic rhetoric in a precarious position. The population would start to question OPDO’s resolve to stand up to TPLF.
In retaliation to TPLF’s continued menace, OPDO deploys its regional security establishment to target TPLF’s involvement in illegal activities, including contraband trade, illicit financial flow, and abuses by TPLF affiliated businesses and investors. To amplify their propaganda value, OPDO justifies and propagates these measures using its regional media wing and online activists. Angered by the exposition of their criminality, TPLFites retaliate by taking violent measures that impair OPDO’s standing among the Oromo, and other Ethiopians.
Although in theory, TPLF could still mass arrest OPDO’s new leadership and replace them by puppets, such a dramatic measure could backfire in more ways than one. First, it will seriously undermine the already tattering image of the EPRDF in the eyes of both its members and the public. Especially, non-TPLF members could lose confidence in the party. Second, OPDO’s new leadership might resist arrest and deploy the regional police force to defend itself, thus setting off a dangerous military standoff between the two parties. Finally, given the support they enjoy from the population, the arrest of OPDO’s leadership might provoke a whirlpool of violent protests across the region, further eroding TPLF’s control of the country.
Essentially, therefore, the two parties are locked in a perpetual power struggle. At present, none seems to have the critical upper hand to win the battle definitively. To make matters worse, EPRDF does not seem to have a proper mechanism of resolving such inter-party hostilities. The PM recently gave hints at some sort of negotiation is taking place to sway Aba Dulla to revisit his recent resignation from his post as Speaker of the House. If true, the negotiation is unlikely to be confined to Aba Dulla’s return to his post. It will also likely address the hostility between OPDO and TPLF. Whether this effort will bear fruit and relations between the two parties could return to normality (what normality entails in this context itself is very problematic) remains to be seen.
In the meantime, the power politics between TPLF and OPDO is increasingly harming the average citizen. As we have repeatedly witnessed in the past months, the power struggle is expressing itself, at the local level, in the form of ethnic attacks, mass evictions, and extrajudicial killings of defenseless civilians. The preponderance of violence across the country is instilling a feeling of lawlessness and fear among the population. Moreover, regardless of who comes out of the power struggle victorious, the prospect of democratizing the country is very narrow. There is very little ideological difference between TPLF, OPDO and ANDM. They all are advocates of revolutionary democracy and ethnic federalism. Replacing one’s dominance by the other will not answer our longstanding quest for democracy and rule of law.
The solution lies in a genuine and inclusive dialogue with all political parties, both inside and outside the country, and charting a lasting political roadmap that can pull the country from the current quagmire and put it on the path of democracy and stability. Anything short of genuine democratic reform at this time will only lead to perpetual violence, destruction and the inevitable disintegration of the country into smaller pieces.

ሚዲያ በሙያዊ ስነምግባርና ማህበራዊ ኃላፊነት ካልተመራ ከጥቅሙ ጉዳቱ ያመዝናል

በነፃነት ሀይሉ

ሚዲያ ትልቅ ኃይል ነው፡፡ የሚዲያን ተልዕኮ በሚገባ ለማከናወን የጋዜጠኝነት ሙያዊ ብቃት ወሳኝ ነው፡፡ ጋዜጠኝነት ከሰው ልጆች መሰረታዊ መብቶች አንዱ የሆነውን ሀሳብን በነፃነት የመግለፅ መብት (Freedom of Expression) እንዲከበር የማድረግ ሚና ይጫወታል፡፡

ሚዲያ ይህን ታላቅ ተልዕኮ ያለማንም ጣልቃ ገብነት በኃላፊነት በማከናወን ሂደት ውስጥ የሚዲያ ባለቤትነትና የኤዲቶሪያል ነፃነት (Editorial Independence) ጉዳይ ሁሌም በሚተላለፉት ይዘቶች ላይ ተጽዕኖ ማሳደሩ አይቀርም፡፡ ጠንካራና ለእውነት የወገነ ሚዲያ የባለቤቱ(ቶቹ) ፍላጎት የበላይነት ሳይዝና ከሙያዊ እሴቶች ማለትም የመረጃ ትክክለኛነትን ማረጋገጥ፣ አለማዳላት፣ በኃላፊነት ስሜት መስራት እና ጉዳትን መቀነስ፣ ውጪ ለማንም ጣልቃ ገብነት የማይንበረከክና የጸና ኤዲቶሪያል ፖሊሲ ያለው ነው፡፡ ከዚህ በተጨማሪ የሃገርን ጥቅም አሳልፎ አለመስጠት በሚል መርህ የሁሉም የአለም ሀገራት ሚዲያ ማለት በሚቻል ደረጃ ሀገራቸውንና ህዝቦቻቸውን የሚጎዱ ነገሮች ሲከሰቱ ከህዝብና ሀገር ጥቅም በተቃራኒ ሲቆሙ አይስተዋልም፡፡

የዳበረ ግብረገብነትና ጠንካራ ማህበራዊ ትስስር ያላቸው ህዝቦች ባለቤት በሆነች አገራችን ጋዜጠኝነትን በአግባቡ መስራት ያን ያህል አዳጋች አይመስለኝም፡፡ ምክንያቱም ከላይ የዘረዘርኳቸው እሴቶችን አንኳ ብንመለከት ከሀገራችን አሴቶች ጋር የተጣጣሙ ናቸው፡፡ ለምሳሌ የተሳሳተ መረጃ የሚያናፍስ ሰው አሉባልተኛ በመባል ይወገዛል፡፡ ሰውን ከሰው ጋር የሚያጋጭ ሰው በጠባጫሪነት ይኮነናል፡፡ ማህበረሰባዊ ተቀባይነት ለማግኘት አለመዋሸት፣ ሰውን ማጋጨት ሳይሆን ማስታረቅ፣ ሳያጣሩ አለማውራትን መካን ወሳኝ ነው፡፡

አንደ አለመታደል ሆኖ የአገራችን ሚዲያ ለዓመታት ከነዚህ እሴቶች ጋር ሳይስማሙ የመንግስት፣ የቡድኖች ወይም የውስን ግለሰቦችን ፍላጎቶች ሲያስተናግዱ አንጂ እውነተኛውን የዜጎች ድምፅ ሊያስደምጡን አልቻሉም፡፡ ከዚህም የተነሳ የብዙሃን ሳይሆን የጥቂቶች ድምፅ፣ ከበሳል ሞጋቾች ይልቅ ሞገደኞች፣ ከሙያዊ ትንታኔዎች ይልቅ ያልተጣራ የሪፖርት ጋጋታዎችን ሲያቀርቡልን ኖረዋል፡፡ ይህ የሃሳብ ብዝሃነትን የደፈጠጠ አሰራር ዘሬም ቢሆን አልተቀረፈም፡፡

ሰሞኑን የኢኤንኤን አና ዛሚ በኦሮሚያ በተከሰቱ ሁነቶች አወዛጋቢ ዘገባዎችና የመንግስት ኮሚዩኒኬሽን ጉዳዮች ሚኒስትር መግለጫን ተከታትያለሁ፡፡ ኢኤንኤን በሰበር ዜናው የሰራውን ዘገባ ከጋዜጠኝነት እሴቶች አንፃር ስንመዝን ሁለት ነገሮች ይጎሉታል፡፡ አንደኛው በዘገባው ውስጥ የተጠቀሰው ክስተት እንደተባለው የብሄር ግጭት ቢሆን አንኳን የዘገባውን እውነተኛነት በስልክ ከተቀበለው መረጃ በተጨማሪ ቢቻል በአካል ተገኝቶ ካልሆነም በተመሳሳይ መልኩ ሌሎች ምንጮችን ማካተት ነበረበት፡፡ ለምን እና እንዴት የሚሉ ጥያቄዎችም መልስ ማግኘት ነበረባቸው፡፡ በመሰረቱ የጎዳና የተጎዳ ወገን ሲኖር ተጎጂውን ብቻ ሳይሆን የጎጂውንም ሀሳብ ማካተት ተገቢ ነው፡፡ ከዚህ ሌላ በሚዲያ የምንጠቀምባቸው የቃላት ምርጫ ላይ ከፍተኛ ጥንቃቄ ማድረግ አስፈላጊ ነው፡፡ ግጭትን የማባባስ ሚና ያላቸው ቃላት በጋዜጠኝነት አይመከሩም፡፡ ከዚህ በተጨማሪ በዜናው ላይ የተጠቀመው የሚንቦገቦግ እሳት ምስል ከፋይል የተጠቀምኩት በስህተት ነው ብሏል፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ የፋይል ምስል ማለት ከዚህ ቀደም በተቋሙ ውስጥ ተከማችተው ከሚገኙ ምስሎች መካከል ማለት ነው፡፡ ይህ ዓይነቱ ስህተት ዝም ብሎ ስህተት አይደለም፡፡ ጉዳዩን ለማራገብ የሚመጥን ምስል መርጦ ተሳሳትኩ ማለት አሳማኝ አይደለም፡፡ ምክንያቱም ጉደዩን በሰበር ዜና መስራቱ በራሱ ምን ያህል ትኩረት እንደሰጠው ማሳያ ነው፡፡

ሁለተኛው ጉዳትን የመቀነስ (Minimizing harm) መርህ የጣሰ ነው፡፡ ሚዲያ አንድን መረጃ ከማሰራጨት በፊት መረጃው የሚኖረውን ተፅዕኖ ማጤን አለበት፡፡ አንዴ አየር ላይ ከዋለ መመለሻ የለውም፡፡ በተለይ ደግሞ የግጭት ዘገባዎች ከፍተኛ ጥንቃቄ ይጠይቃሉ፡፡ ሚዲያ ግጭትን ከመዘገብ በፊት የግጭቱን መንስኤና ተሳታፊዎችን እንዲሁም ዘገባው የሚኖረውን ተፅዕኖ በተመለከተ የተሟላ ግንዛቤ ሊኖረው ይገባል፡፡ ግራና ቀኝ አንዲሁም የጎንዮሽ እይታዎች የነገሩን ስፋትና ጥልቀት ለመረዳት ያስችላሉ፡፡

አንዲሁም በተቻለ መጠን ዘገባው በህዝብ ላይ ጉዳት የማያስከትል መሆኑን ማረጋገጥ ተገቢ ነው፡፡ የዚህን ዘገባ አንድምታ ብንመለከት “ይህ ብሄር ያንን ብሄር ስላጠቃ አንተስ ምን ትጠብቃለህ፣ በለው እንጂ” የሚል ድምፀት (tone) አለው፡፡ ደግነቱ የሀገራችን ህዝቦች እንዲሁ በቀላሉ አንዳቸው ባንዳቸው ላይ የማይነሱ በመሆኑ ለጊዜውም ቢሆን ይህ አለመሆኑ መልካም ነው፡፡ ነገር ግን አንዲህ ዓይነት ዘገባዎች በተደጋገሙ ቁጥር የጉዳት አድማሱ ይሰፋል፡፡

በነገራችን ላይ በተመሳሳይ መልኩ ሸገር ኤፍ ኤም 102.1 ከዓመት በፊት በስፋት (እንደ ኢቢሲ አገላለፅ በአንዳንድ አካባቢዎች) ሲደረግ በነበረው የኦሮሞ ፕሮተስት ወቅት ጉዳዩን ለበርካታ ወራት ችላ ብሎ ከከረመ በኋላ የአፍ ማሟሻ ዘገባውን የሰራው በደ/ምዕ/ሸዋ ሌማን ተከስቷል በተባለው የብሄሮች ግጭት ነበር፡፡ ያኔ በተመሳሳይ መልኩ ከስፍራው ተጎዳን ያሉትን ግለሰቦች በስልክ በማስገባት ነበር ዜናውን የሰራው፡፡ በዚህ ላይ ወሳኝ ጥያቄዎችን ማንሳት ተገቢ ነው፡፡ በግጭት ወቅት የሚዲያዎች ሚና ምን መሆን አለበት? የሚዲያዎች ውግንና ለማን ነው? ሚዲያዎች ለማንም ሳይሆን ከእውነት ወገን በመቆም ህዝብን የማገልገል ሙያዊ ኃላፊነት አለባቸው፡፡ የሚዲያ ባለቤቶችን ፍላጎት ማስፈፀም አለያም ጋዜጠኞች ከራሳቸው አረዳድና ፍላጎት በመነሳት መረጃን ማንጋደድም ሆና ማጋጋል ሙያዊ እሴቶችን መቃረን ነው፡፡ በተለይ ደግሞ በጋዜጠንነት ሙያ የግጭት አዘጋገብ መርሆችን አክብሮ መስራት ተገቢ ነው፡፡

የአንድ ሚዲያ የማያወላዳ እውነተኛነት የሚመዘነው ያለአንዳች መዋዠቅ (persistently) በእውነት ሲሰራ ነው፡፡ ነገር ግን አይቶ እንዳላዩ ለእውነት ጀርባ በመስጠት ኖሮ በአንድ ወቅት እውነተኛ መምሰል በህዝብ ዘንድ የሚዲያ እስትንፋስ የሆነውን ተዓማኒነትን አያስገኝም፡፡

የዛሚን አዘጋገብ ካየን ደግሞ ከመሰረታዊ የጋዜጠኝነት መርህ ያፈነገጠ ነው ማለት ይቻላል፡፡ ጋዜጠኛ የተረጋገጠና በወገንተኝነት ያልተቃኘ መረጃን ለህዝብ ማድረስ እንጂ የራሱን ፍላጎትና ዓላማ በህዝብ ላይ መጫን ማለት አይደለም፡፡ በዚህ መልኩ የሚሚና አጋሮቿን ሚና ብንመለከት ከላይ በጠቀስኩት መሰረት የባለቤትነትና ጋዜጠኝነት ተግባራትን ደርባ እንደመስራቷ የፍላጎት ግጭት ተጋላጭነት እድሏን ከፍ ያደርገዋል፡፡ የሚዲያው ባለቤት በመሆኗ የሂሊና ሚዛን ካልገታት በስተቀር እንደ ሌሎች ጋዜጠኞች የቁጥጥርና የአርትኦት ሰንሰለት ውስጥ የማለፍ አስገዳጅ ሁኔታ አይገጥማትም፡፡ አስካሁን ባስተዋልኩት አዘጋገቧ ከጋዜጠኝነት ይልቅ የግል አስተያየት (opinion) ያመዝንባታል፡፡ በግል አስተያየት የሌላውን ወገን ስህተት ማጋለጥ አይቻልም፡፡ ጋዜጠኝነት መድካምን ይጠይቃል – ነፃ አእምሮ፣ ማንበብ፣ መጠየቅ፣ መመራመር፣ ማረጋገጥ፣ ሳይታክቱ እውቀትን መሻት፡፡ ይህ ደግሞ ለበርካቶች ዳገትን እንደመውጣት ነው፡፡ ጋዜጠኛ ሁሉንም ማወቅ ባይጠበቅበትም ስለሁሉም ነገር የተወሰነ ዕውቀት ሊኖረው ይገባል፡፡ በአንድ ጉዳይ ላይ ግን የላቀ ግንዛቤ (ስፔሻላይዜሽን) ማዳበር ይቻላል፡፡ ከዚህ ውጪ ሙያዊ ትንታኔ በሚያስልጉ ጉዳዮች ላይ ከመዘባረቅ ይልቅ ሙያተኞችን ጋብዞ ማስተንተንም አንዱ ዘዴ ነው፡፡ ይህ ባለመሆኑ ነው በየቀኑ በየሚዲያዎቹ ግልብ ዘገባዎችን የምንሰማው፡፡ ሚሚም የዚህ ሲንድረም ተጠቂ ናት፡፡ በምክንታዊነትና በመረጃ በልጦ መገኘትን ሳይሆን ግትርነትን፣ አልህ መጋባትንና ዛቻን ተያይዛለች፡፡ በዚህ አካሄድ እንኳንስ ህዝብን ማገልገል ይቅርና ራሷንና ተቋሟን በአመክኖ መታደግ ይከብዳታል፡፡

የሚዲያዎቹ አሰራር መዛነፉን ለማብሰር የደፈረ ኢቢሲም ቢሆን የመንግስት ኮሚዩኒኬሽን ጉዳዮች ሚኒሰቴር ክስተቶችን ተከትሎ የሚሰጠውን መግለጫ ከማስተጋባት ባለፈ ተጥሰዋል የተባሉትን እሴቶችን አካቶ የራሱን የቤት ስራዎች ለመስራት ቁርጠኛ መሆን አለበት፡፡

​የኦሮሞን መብት የበላ “ኦነግ፥ ግብፅ፥ ህቡዕ፥…” ሲል ያድራል! 

Ethiopian Think Thank Group

“በኦሮሚያ ክልል የተለያዩ አከባቢዎች እየተካሄደ ያለውን የተቃውሞ ሰልፍ ማን ነው የሚያስተባብረው?” የሚለው ጥያቄ ትልቅ መነጋገሪያ ርዕስ ሆኗል።ዳኒኤል ብርሃኔ“የተቃውሞ ሰልፉ እየተመራ ያለው ከተጠበቀው በላይ ትልቅ በሆነ የህቡዕ ድርጅት” መሆኑን ገልፀጿል። እኔን የሚያሳስበኝ የዚህ ህቡዕ ድርጅት መፈጠሩና የተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴውን መምራቱ አይደለም። ከዚያ ይልቅ፣ መዋቅሩ በግልፅ ያልተለየ “ትልቅ የህቡዕ ድርጅት ተፈጥሯል” በሚል ሰበብ በኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ላይ ሊፈፀም የሚችለው ግፍና በደል ነው።

ቀጥሎ ያለው ምስል የሁለት ፎቶዎች ቅንብር ነው። የመጀመሪያው ፎቶ ህዳር 25/2008 ዓ.ም ዕለተ ሐሙስ ከጠዋቱ 2፡00 ሰዓት ላይ በአምቦ ዩኒቨርሲቲ የወሊሶ ካምፓስ ተማሪዎች በካምፓሱ ቅጥር ግቢ ውስጥየተቃውሞ ሰልፍሲጀምሩ፣ ከዋናው መግቢያ በር ላይ ደግሞ የኦሮሚያ ልዩ ፖሊስ አድማ በታኞች ፖሊሶች ናቸው። ከታች ያለው ምስል ደግሞ ጥቅምት 03/2010 ዓ.ም ዕለተ ሐሙስ ከጠዋቱ 2፡00 ላይ በአምቦ ዩኒቨርሲቲ የወሊሶ ካምፓስ ተማሪዎች የተቃውሞ ሰልፍ ለማድረግ ካምፓሱ ቅጥር ግቢ እየወጡ ያሳያል።

የተቃውሞ ሰልፍ በወሊሶ፦ ህዳር 2008 እና ጥቅምት 2010 ንፅፅር

በዚህ ፎቶ ላይ የኦሮሚያ ልዩ ፖሊሶች ወይም የከተማ ፖሊሶች ከካምፓሱ በር ላይ አይታዩም። ነገር…

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OPDO on Crossroads: What Comes Next?

Tullu Libban

It is a public knowledge that Oromia has been fully under the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) control over the last 26 years, in a camouflage of Ethiopian Peoples’ Democratic Front (EPRDF). In the EPRDF coalition, OPDO has served only TPLF as a tool to cash Oromia. There has no time when OPDO acted as a responsible party to represent the Oromo people because the system never wanted OPDO to play an active role in the entire tenure of EPRDF regime. We don’t need to go into the details of why TPLF created OPDO and why it kept it truncated for so long time. It seems, now the time has changed.
At this moment, it is a question whether TPLF can maintain its control over OPDO, by extension on Oromia, given the dynamics taking place in the political arena in the Ethiopian empire. It is less likely that TPLF could use OPDO as a manipulative political object anymore. In the recent months, OPDO has shown bold resistance towards the humiliating master-slave relationship it has undergone over a quarter a century.
The question is yet, how far this resistance can last and what will be the end result. For both TPLF and OPDO (the father and the child) the Oromo struggle posed undesired challenges. Can TPLF control Oromia without OPDO? Or can OPDO survive without TPLF? No for the father; yes for the child, in my opinion. Therefore, I guess, TPLF must have gone a mile ahead to prepare a plan on how to handle OPDO and maintain its lust for power and control for resources in Oromia. How about OPDO? Does it have any strategy on how to escape being swallowed by the yawing beast (TPLF)?
I believe, OPDO cannot continue to rule Oromia, (at least theatrically), providing a liaising service for TPLF against the interest of the Oromo people. Certainly, TPLF will never enjoy that cheap service from OPDO in the years ahead. However, there will be a lot of headache for the current leadership of OPDO to continue standing up to TPLF’s arrogance. TPLF will try its best to bring to power loyalists from within the OPDO to the higher echelon by removing the current populist figures like Lemma Megerssa, Abiy Ahmed, Addisu Arega, Worqineh Gebeyou etc.
What can TPLF do?
Assumption and scenarios
1. Engaging OPDO in routine rings: TPLF will continue to keep the current leadership busy (creating conflicts here and there, inciting uprisings in schools, industries, neighborhoods, encouraging havoc in Oromia). Then popular demands would remain unanswered in the region, development activities would be halted and resentments escalate to blame the current leadership.
2. Infiltration and sellouts: TPLF may prepare splinters, buy some betrayers to divide OPDO and manipulate internal strife to weaken the emerging force from the OPDO camp
3. Self-criticism and Confession (Gimgema): One of the instruments that TPLF deploys to tame its surrogates and control them with chains on the neck is the so-called gimgama. The masters stuff their subordinates in a hall and demand them to make confessions about perceived or committed “crimes”. The confession session may take a month or a couple of months. There is a character assassination camp known as EPRDF Training Center led by Addisu Legesse, Abay Tsegaye etc. and all top-level officials from all regions and federal government agencies are required to participate in the “training” at least for 2-3 months. Core TPLF circle reps “evaluate” each one of their prey and make a decision about whether the prey would go back to their position or fired and jailed.
4. Democratic Centralism: TPLF has effectively utilized the Stalinist method of democratic centralism, which allows dictators to impose their hegemony on party members, where members have no voice, right and choice to reject whatever percolates from above. They are expected to endorse whatever a small circle in the highest leadership decides. That is the kind of “democracy” in place even in the TPLF rubberstamp parliament, where laws are unanimously enacted without any objection or abstention. Therefore, OPDO members are required to heed to this practice and they would lose ground to hold an independent position on matters affecting their interest and that of the people they represent.
5. Marginalizing OPDO in the EPRDF: The formidable force to challenge TPLF at this moment is OPDO. Recent developments that brought about the alliance of the Oromo people with OPDO is a big blow to TPLF’s governance model. Therefore, TPLF would try its level best to mobilize ANDM and SEPDM against OPDO in a bid to diminish OPDO’s role in decision making on matters of national interest and that of the Oromia region. That would make matters difficult for the OPDO leadership to keep its public promises and pledges.

What should OPDO do then?
I would like to recommend the following points for OPDO to keep the momentum, ensure its relevance, credibility and very survival.
1. Stick to your motto of “Our people, our masters”, depend entirely on the Oromo people and listen to them attentively. Consult with Oromo intellectuals, pause and think over your plans before putting them into actions. That will spare you from committing ridiculous mistakes like erecting a thoughtless monument for Irrecha massacre martyrs and preparing a useless document for Oromia special interest over Finfinnee.
2. Act collectively and ensure profound bond among your members from top to down and stand together. Never let betrayers work against you and the interest of the Oromo people
3. Denounce the labeling of Oromo children as narrow nationalists and terrorists, as you are well aware of why these demeaning terms are used against the self-conscious and self-respecting Oromos
4. Get rid of the so-called democratic centralism and developmental government theories because both are unconstitutional party tools to restrict your free thoughts, actions and decisions
5. Say no to TPLF “gimgema” which is conducted in a master-servant relation manner. Why do Bereket, Abay, Addisu, Debretsion etc. gauge you and decide your fate, course of action and political life. Reverse this practice upside down and criticize them and make them accountable for the atrocities, corruptions, and vandalism in the country.
6. Say no to EPRDF rules and regulations, which are mainly developed by the late Meles Zenawi to serve the interest of TPLF dwarfing OPDO’s role and thereby that of the Oromo people in the political realm
7. Demand to have fair and proportional representation in the EPRDF executive committee and its council as well as in the Federation Council etc. so that you can influence decisions and discussions as per the contribution of Oromia to the national economy and well-being.
8. Calculate what Oromia would lose if OPDO is not part of EPRDF (for instance is there any benefit for Oromia to be in EPRDF coalition better than Gambella or Afar?). Withdrawal from EPRDF is a possibility without, withdrawing from the federation.
In conclusion, if OPDO remains to be controlled by the same tools designed by TPLF and abides by the unfair laws unchanged, it will never achieve any remarkable success. There is no a level playing field. The rules of the game are prepared by TPLF. Therefore, to play on the field where TPLF is both a player and a referee, OPDO will continue to be a loser. It will be trapped in the same vicious circle and remain to host the parasitic TPLF being consumed, of course, letting the Oromo people down as usual.

ይድረስ ለኦህዴድ መሪዎች!

Tullu Liban

ትንሽ ወንድማዊ ምክር እንድለግሳችሁ ፍቀዱልኝ። ላለፉት 26 ዓመታት ያሳለፋችሁት የባርነት ዘመን ሕሊና ላለው ሰው እጅግ የሚሰቀጥጥ ነው። በሌላችሁ ስልጣን ስልጣን እንዳላችሁ፣ በሌላችሁ ክብር ክብር እንዳላችሁ፣ ባልተሳተፋችሁበት ትግል እንደታገላችሁ ተነግሯችሁ፣ ጄኔራል ሳትሆኑ ጄኔራል ተብላችሁ፣አምባሳደር ሳትሆኑ አምባሳደር ተብላችሁ፣ መሪ ሳትሆኑ ፕሬዚዳንት ተብላችሁ፣ ሳትማሩ ድግሪ ተሰጥቷችሁ ለወያኔ መጫወቻ አሻጉገሊት ሆናችሁ ኖራችኋል። ወያኔ ከአባታችሁ ቤት በአካፋ እየዛቀ ሲዘርፍ እናንተ በማንኪያ ትንሽ ብትሰርቁ ሙስና ሰርታችኋል ብሎ እያሸማቀቃችሁ ጥባጥቤ ተጫውቶባችኋል። ወያኔዎች ሰማይ ጠቀስ ፎቅ እየሠሩ እናንተ መጠነኛ መኖሪያ ቤት ስትሠሩ በግምገማ እሳት ላይ ጥደውአችኋል። መቼም ህሊናችሁንም የኦሮሞንም ህዝብ መዋሸት አትችሉም። በየትኛውም መስሪያቤት አንድ ቀጭን ትግሬ ካለ የቱንም ያህል እውቀት ቢኖራችሁ፣ የቱንም ያህል በሥልጣን ተዋረድ የባላይ ብትሆኑ ውሳኔ ሰጭው ትግሬው እንደሆነ ታውቃላችሁ። ይህን የበታችነት ደረጃ አሜን ብላችሁ ይህን ውርደት ተሸክማችሁ ሩብ ምዕተ ዓመት ኖራችኋል። መቼም ሕሊና ላለው ሰው ይሄ ያማል።

የትልቅ ህዝብ ተወካይ ነኝ የሚል ሰው በአባልባሌ ተራ ማይም ትግሬ ሲናቅና እንደ አሽከር ሲላላክ ያማል። ጥሩ ለብሳችሁ አጊጣችሁ ይሆናል። ጥሩ መኪና ነድታችሁ ይሆናል። ጥሩ መኖሪያ ቤት ገንብታችሁ ይሆናል። ዳሩ ምን ያደርጋል ይህ ሁሉ እርግማን ይሆንባችኋል። ባዶነታችሁን ያሳበቅባችኋል። የደም ሀብት ነው። አላፊ አዱኛ ነው። ይህ ሁሉ ሆኖ አሁን የነጻነት ጎህ የቀደደ ይመስላል። ዕድሜ ለኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ትግል እናንተም ነጻ የምትወጡበት ጊዜ ሩቅ አይሆንም። አደራችሁን ካሁን በኋላ በኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ትግል ፊት እንዳትቆሙ። እናንተ ስላተዋረዳችሁት፣ ራሳችሁም አንሳችሁ ስላሳነሳችሁት፣ አልባሌ ሆናችሁ በአልባሌ ቡድን ስላስጠቃችሁት እንጂ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከኦነግ ጋር አልቆረበም። ኦነግ የኦሮሞን ህዝብ የልብ ትርታ ስላወቀ ጥያቄዎቹን ጥያቄው ስላደረገ ነው መንፈስ ሆኖ የቀጠለው።ኦህዴድ ነኝ ማለት የሚያሳፍራችሁ የሠራችሁት ነውር ስራ አፍ አውጥቶ ስለሚናገር ነው። ኦነግ መባል በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ዘንድ ያስብከር እንደሆን እንጂ አፍሳሮ አያውቅም። እናንተው የገደላችኋቸው አንድ የመንዲ አዛውንት ያሉትን ልንገገራችሁ። የናንተው ነፍሰ ገዳዮች ያዟቸውና “እርስዎ ምግብ እያመላለሱ ኦነግን ጫካ ውስጥ ይቀልባሉ ” አሏቸው። ቆፍጣናው አባትም “እውነት ነው ለአንበሶቹ ስንቅ አመላልሳለሁ። ውሻ ግን አልቀልብም። እስቲ ውሻ ሆነህ ለጌቶችህ እመንደር ውስጥ ከምታድነኝ አንበሳ ሁንና ጫካ ግባ እንደማልቀልብህ ታያለህ” አሏቸው። ግን ውሾቹ በሏቸው።

ኦነግ ኖረም አልኖረ የኦሮሞን የሀገር ባለቤትነት፣ የሥልጣን ባለቤትነት፣ ሰላምና ብልጽግና ለማስመለስ የተጋ ሁሉ ክብርና ሞገስ አለው። አሁን በመጨረሻ ሰዓትም ቢሆን ይህ ዕድል እንዳያመልጣችሁ። የፈሪ ሞት ሳይሆን የጀግና ሞት ሙቱ። ለዓመት በዓል ዋዜማ ዶር አብይ አህመድ አንድ ልብ የሚነካ ንግግር አድርጎ ነበር። “ሁላችንም እንሞታለን ሞት አይቀርምና”ነው ያለው ባልሳሳት። አዎን ሞት አይቀርም። ጄኔራል ታደሰ ብሩ ከናንተ የተሻለ ሀብት፣ ማዕረግ፣ ክብርና ሞገስ ነበራቸው። ከወገናቸው ክብር ግን አልበለጠባቸውም። ብዙዎቹ በእስር ቤት የሚማቅቁት፣ የሞቱት እና የተሰዱደት እንናንተ የምኖሩትን ኑሮ ቢፈልጉ ኖሮ በሩ ሰፊ ነበር። እስቲ አሁን ለሕሊና መኖር ጀምሩ። እናንተ ማገር ሆናችሁ ባትይዙት ግድግዳ ሆናችሁ ባትደግፉት እኮ እንኳን በላያችሁ ላይ ጥሬ አሩን ሊያራና ወያኔ ወይ ተጠራርጎ ከኦሮሚ ይወጣል ወይ በናንተ ተርም ቀጥ ብሎ ይኖራል። መንገዱ እኮ ቀላል ነው። እናንተ በፌዴራል ምክር ቤት 190 መቀመጫ አላችሁ። በኦሮሚያ ጉዳይ ላይ ያለ ፍርሃት ድምጻችሁን አውጥታችሁ ተከራከሩ። ኦሮሚያን የሚጎዳ ውሳኔ ሊተላለፍ ሲል በድምጻችሁ ውድቅ አድርጉት። የማይስማማችሁ አሠራር ሲኖር ከፌዴራል ሥርዓቱ ለመውጣት እንደምትገደዱ ለሕዝባችሁ በግልጽ ተናገሩ።

የኦሮሚያ ምክር ቤት በምትሉት ስብሰባ በክልላችሁ ጉዳይ ማንንም ሳታስፈቅዱ ውሳኔ ስጡ። ለወያኔ ይህ የኛ ጉዳይ ነው በሉት። ምን ሲሆን ነው የትሬው አፍሮ ጽዮን የናንተን የባህል ማዕከልና ጽ/ቤት የሚገነባው? ለዚያውም ከደረጃ በታች፤ ከውሉ ውጭ። ኦሮሚያ ዲዛይነርናኮንትራክተር የለውም? ለምንድነው የኦሮሚያ ውሃ ስራዎች ድርጅት ስራ ፈቶ እያለ በኦሮሚያ ውስጥ የሚሠሩ የውሃ ልማት ሥራዎች ለትሬው ሳባ ኮንስትክራሽን የሚሰጡት? እስከ መቼ ነው የመከላከያ ጃኔራሎች ስብጥር 99 ከመቶ በትግሬ የሚያዘው? እስከ መቼ ነው የደህንነት መስሪያቤቱ በትግሬ የሚዘወረው? እስከ መቼ ነው ቁልፍ የፏይናንስ ተቋማቱና ትልልቅ ካፒታል አንመጭ ተቋማት ለምሳሌ የኢትዮጵያ አየር መንገድ፣ ቴሌሙንኬሽን፣ ጉምሩክ፣ የኢትዬጵያ መንገዶች ባለሥልጣን ወዘተ የትግሬ የግል ንብረት የሚሆኑት? መቼ ነው ትልልቅ ካምኒዎች የአላሙድ የወርቅ ማምረቻ ጭምር ለኦሮሚያ ግብር የሚከፍሉት? ኦህዴዶች፤ ወይ መሆን ነው ወይ አለመሆን ነው ምርጫችሁ። የፊንፊኔ ጉዳይና የአፋን ኦሮሞ ጉዳይ ገና ጊዜ የማይሰጠው የቤት ሥራ ነው። የህዝባችንን መፈናቀልና ጥቃት ያስከተለው የድንበር ጉዳይ የምትተኙበት የቤት ሥራ አይደለም። አሁኑኑ እልባት ማግኘት አለበት 26 ዓትመ ሙሉ ስትተኙ ከርማችሁ አሁን ማጣፊያ ሊያጥራችሁ ነው። መቼም ታረጉታላሁ ብለን አይደለም። ትልቅ የበታችነት የሥነ ልቦና በሽታ አለባችሁና። ከሰማችሁ ስሙ ህዝባችንን አስታቁት እንጂ ትጥቁን አታስፈቱት። አዲስ አብባ ያለ ትግሬ ሳይርቀ በነፍስ ወከፍ እየታጠቀ ኦሮሞ በራሱ ገንዘብ የገዛውን ትጥቅ ለምንድነው የሚፈታው። ስሙማ በደርግ ጊዜም ቢሆን ትጥቁን እንዲፈታ የተገደደው የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ብቻ ነው። ጁነዲ ሳዶ በሥልጣን ዘመኑ ከ200 ሽህ ህዝብ በላይ ትጥቅ በስማፈታት ታሪክ ይቅር የማይለው ስህተት ሠርቷል። ዛሬ ህዝባችን ለአብዲ ኢሌ ጥቃት የተጋለጠው ትጥቅ ስለሌለው ነው።
እኔ ልምከራችሁ ወያኔ ጠፍሮ የሚያስራችሁ አብዮታዊ ዲሞክራሲ፣ ዲሞክሲዊ ማዕከላዊትነና ግምገማ በሚባሉ የታወቁ ገመዶቹ ነው። በዚህ ጠልፎ ይጥላችኋል። ይህንን በቃን በሉት። እናንተ አትገመግሙንም በሏቸው።ዴሞራሲያዊ ማእከላዊነት የሚባለውን ሰውን እንደ ግዑዝ የፓርቲ ቁሳቁስ የሚቆጥረውን የሶሸሊስት አስተሳሰብ ከዛሬ ጀምሮ በቃን በሏቸው። በኢህአዲግ ማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴና በሥራ አስፈጻሚ ኮሚቴው ውክልናችሁ በምትወክሉት ህዝብ መጠን እንዲሆን ተከራሩና አስወስኑ። ይህን ለማድረግ ከወሰናችሁ ህዝባችሁ ከጎናችሁ አለ። ይህን ካላደረጋችሁ የተለመደ የተላላኪነት ሥራችሁን እየሠራችሁ ህዝባዊ ማዕበሉ ጠራርጎ ይወስዳችኋል። አሟሟታችሁም የውሻ ሞት ይሆናል። ፍጠኑ ጊዜ የላችሁም። ጨረስኩ። ልቦና ይስጣችሁ።

 

 

Imperfections, Yes! Retreat, No! An Interesting Note by Tsegaye Ararsa About Jawar Mohammed.

You can hate him passionately. In deed, it is evident that, while his supporters love him with passion, his detractors hate him with an equivalent or more passion. Hate him, you may. But you can’t ignore him. If you are an observer of the Oromo and/or Ethiopian political developments, what you can’t do is to ignore Jawar S. Mohammed.

Having survived the most stringent of public scrutiny (virtually living his life in front of the relentless gaze of the media), Jawar Mohammed remains to be the one person in the Oromo and/or Ethiopian public life who continues to ignite and sustain the (political) passion of the youth in Ethiopia today, especially among the Oromo.

Jawar loves taking risks. His courage to take risks and to thrive in their midst, unusual as it is for most politically engaged personalities from Ethiopia, makes him rather uncommon. In taking risks, he also commits himself to the possibility of making mistakes. He may make mistakes and may do so rather frequently. In fact, he does make mistakes. (Who doesn’t?) He may be excoriated for his mistakes (sometimes fairly, sometimes unfairly). He may even be emotionally bruised at times (when the criticism goes to the extent of disfiguring him, his cause, or even his family). But what you don’t find Jawar doing is a retreat.

What he can’t do is retreat in the face of opposition. Every day, he seems to be pushing and pushing and pushing himself to achieve something for his people. Achieve, he did. Perhaps, his achievements of the last five years alone are too numerous to recount on this platform.

As a fellow traveler on this journey (and as a compatriot and a friend), I ‘see’ Jawar at work every day. Beyond the daily routine, I see him as someone who tries to contribute his bit to the Oromo struggle for emancipation and to leave a mark on his people’s inexorable journey to victory. As we can all see, he has already made what is arguably the most important contribution to the resistance movement of recent years (eg, #OromoFirst#OMN#OromoProtets,#GrandOromoRally#OromoRevolution #OLC#LagannaaGabaa, etc, etc). The unprecedented successes of boycotts of the last few weeks and the ongoing stay-at-home protests are in part the result of his work on and offline, on social and conventional media outlets. That is why he is a phenomenon in the Oromo and/or Ethiopian politics of recent years. Yes, it is tough to be him and to not make mistakes. But there is no gainsaying that he is quite a presence, a force to reckon with. It comes as no surprise that the regime in Ethiopia seeks to make him one of the victims of its legal violence by prosecuting him, in absentia, “for inciting terrorism.”

To those who love to hate Jawar as a proxy for what he represents and stands for (as an Oromo), I would like to say, he is one of the best things that happened to Oromos, Ethiopians, and their politics. Yes, even to his detractors, he is the best thing that happened to them, albeit they don’t even know it. In this, he is like the entirety of the Oromo nation, which–even at its worst–is the best thing that “happened” to Ethiopia, although Ethiopia didn’t know it.

Waamichaa ADO Ummataa Oromoo fi Humnoota Oromoo Maraaf

Weeyraraa “Liyuu Poolisiin” Mootummaa Naannoo Somaalee Biyyaa Oromoo fi Ummataa Oromoo irraatti Geessisaa Jiru Daddaffiin Dhaabuf Waamichaa ADO Ummataa Oromoo fi Humnoota Oromoo Maraaf:

Bara sadeen dabaran kana keessa akka argaa jirrutti abjuun Somaaliyaa Guddittii (Greater Somalia) dhugoomsuu ykn daangaa naannoo Somalia baldhifachuu, gargaarsa mootummaa TPLFn hogganamuun dhugoomaa akka jiru ifaa dha. Akka beekamutti imammaanni lafaa Somalee baldhifachu mootummaa Ziyaad Barreen eegale. Abjuun Somaaliyaa Guddittii kun yaada ummata Afaan Somaalee dubbatu, kan Itoophiyaa, Kenyaa fi Jibuutii keessa jiraatan hunda mootummaa Somaaliyaa Guddittii keessatti walitti qabuu fi lafaa naannoo sana dhuunfachuu ture.

Abjuun kun imaammata Oromoota Kutaalee Harargee Bahaa fi Dhihaa, Baalee, Arsii, Gujii fi Booranaa lafa isaanii wajjiin humna waraanaatiin weeyraruun qabatee, Somaaliyaa Gudditti ti dabaluun ummatoota Oromoo kanneeniif maqaa Somaalee Abboo jedhuu baasuun Somaalessuu fi gabroomsuu ture. Loolli bara 1977 keessa Somaleen Itoophiyaa irratti bantee ture, loola abjuu kana dhugoomsuuf jalqabame ture. Loolli kun injifannoo Mootummaa Itoophiyaa yeroo saniin hobba’e. Lollii sun diigamiinsa biyya Somaalyaaf hanga tokko sababaas ture. Somaaliyaan biyya Oromoo kutachuun gabbachuu fi bal’achuu barbaaddee lola ofii kaafteen moohamnaan ofiif walitti gargaltee wal diigde.

Lolli mootummaa Somaaliyaa fi Itoophiyaa gidduuti ture sun, lola Oromoo fi mootummaa Ziyaad Barree jidduu ittis tahe ture. Qabsaawoonni Oromoo, hooggantotaa fi miseensota turan, weeyrara lafaa babal’fachuu fi Oromoo Somaalessuun/gabroomsuu san kutannoon dura dhaabbatan. Dhiiga qabsaawota Oromoo hedduutu biyyaaf, kabajaa fi mirga Oromoo weeyraartuu Somaliyaa irraa tiksuutti dhangala’e. Fashaluu weeyrara Somaaliyaa bara 1977 saniif qabsaawonni Oromoo qooda seenaan hin irraanfanne gumaachan.

Lafaa ummata Oromoo kutanii Somaaliyaaf dabaluun ammallee bifa jijjiiratee eergamtoota TPLFn itti fufe jira. Weeyrara/lola tokkummaa ummata Oromoo fi lafaa Oromoo irratti xiyyaafatee deemaa jiru kana Oromoon hundi tokkummaan dura dhaabbachuu fi fashalsuu qaban. Wareegama bilisummaa fi kabajaan Oromoo, tokkummaan lafaa Oromoo gaafatu hunda kafallee dura dhaabachuun abjuu Somaaliyaa Giddittii bifa harayaa kana hoongessuu qabna. Abbaan dhimmaa Oromoo dha, dhimma waloo fi jireenyaa kana irratti waliin dhaabachuun dirqama lammummaa ti. Hubannoo kana irraa ka’uun ADO waamichaa qabsoo kanaa gadii ummataa fi humnoota qabsoo bilisummaa hundaa fi saba Oromoof goodha:

1. Jaarmayoonni siyaasaa fi Hawaasummaa ummataa (civic) Oromoo hatattamaan walgeenye weeyrara namaa fi lafaa Oromoo irratti baname kana dhaabuuf marii fi murtiilee babrbaachisuu irraa akka geenyu waamicha lammummaa isiniif goona. Yoo dhimma bilisumaa fi tokkummaa lafa Oromoo weeyrara irraa tiksuu irratti waliif hin galle, maal irratti waliif galla? Yoo amma waliif hin galle; yoom waliif galla?

2. Jaarmayni siyaasaa fi Hawaassa kan mootummaa Itoophiyaa/TPLFn hogganamuu wajjiin hojjachaa jirtan, humna ummataa Oromoo weeyrarsiisaa fi lafa Oromoo alagaaf dabarsee kennuuf Oormoon lolaa jiru wajjiin hojjachaa jirachuu keessan beekaa. Humna dhiiga Oromoo dhangalaasaa fi dhangalaasisaa jiru wajjiin hojjachaa jirtu. Goochi kun gaaftama seena jala isin hin baassu. Yoo midhaan fi dararaan sabaa Oormoo irraa gahaa jiru kan isinitti dhagayaamu tahe, Caafeen Oromiyaa, OPDOn fi Humani warraana Mootumaa Naannoo Oromiyaa tarkaanfi hattamaa fudhachuun, weeyrara ummataa fi lafaa Oromoo irratti baname kana fashalsuun, bilisummaa Oromoo fi tokkummaa lafaa Oromoo tiksuun, ummata keessan bira karaa hundaan akka dhaabbatan waamicha isiniif goona.

3. Oromoonni humna waraanaa, humna tikaa fi humnoota adda addaa mootummaa TPLF keessa jirtan hundi akka ummata Oromoo bira dhaabbattanii fi bilisummaa Oromoo fi tokkumaa lafaa Oromootif loltan waamicha isiniif goona.

4. Yaa ummata Oromoo! Akka ummatoota adunyaa hunddatti, biyyaa fi lafaa kee irratti bilisummaa, kabajaa fi nagayaan jiraachuuf mirga guutuu qabda. Diinni sitti heddumaatu fi roorroon sitti jabaattulee, booddee injnifannoon kee akka tahu hin shakkin. Tokkummaan mirgootaa fi kabajaa namoomaa keeti fi Oromiyaarraa diina kaassuf waan qabdu hundaan ka’u malee malii biraa akka hin jirre hubattee, qabsoo bilisummaa, kabajaa namoomaa, fi mirga abbaa biyyummaa kee deeffachuuf itti jirtu caalaa akka fininsitu waamicha siif goona. Qabsoon kee qabsoo haqaati; hamma bilisummaatti itti fufi!

5. Ummatoota Itoophiyaa hundaaf: Weeyrarii gargaarsa mootummaa TPLFn Oromiyaa fi Oromoo irratti baname kun, weeyrara Itoophiyaa fi saboota biyyaattii hunda irratti baname tahu hubadhu. Weeyrarii ar’a Oromoo irraatti baname kun sirraattis akka banaame hubattee ummataa Oromoo waliin ka’un weeyrara Somaaliyaa Gudditti ijaaruuf deemu kana dura dhaabachuun, wabii bilisummaa keetii fi biyya keetiif dhaabachuu qabda. Guyyaa rakkoo waliin dhaabbachuun hegeree keenya hundaa tolcha waan taheef, Oromoof dirmadhu; mirgaa fi kabajaa keetiif, biyaaf dirmadhu waamicha jedhu isiniif goona.

6. Hundeen ykn maddii rakoo ummatootaa biyya Itoophiyaa hundaa mootummaa cunqursaa TPLF ti. Hanga mootummaan TPLF aango mootummaa Itoophiyaa dhunfatee jirutti, rakkoon ummata hunda hudhee jiru kun fala hin argatu. Tanaaf jecha, weeyrara “Liyuu Poolisii” Mootummaa Naannoo Somaalee fashalsuu fi mootummaa TPLF hiddaan buqqisuuf ummatoonni hundi tokkummaan harka walqabatanii akka fincilan waamicha seenaa goona.

Bilisummaa fi Haqani Hundaaf!
Adda Demokaraatawaa Oromoo (ADO)
August 22, 2017

Why are the Oromo People Protesting again? 

The Oromo people are protesting again:

1) To defend and protect their children and their leaders from the attack, arrest, and killings by the Ethiopian government security forces,

2) To protect their land from Addis Ababa based and foreign land grabbers and land thieves, and take back their land from these land grabbers,

3) To force the Ethiopian government to make Afaan Oromo the working language of the federal government to end the political, economic and social exclusion of the Oromo people in Ethiopia,

4) To force the Ethiopian government restore the status of unlawfully separated and stolen Oromia cities including Addis Ababa, Dire Dawa, Harar and Moyale under the Oromia National Regional Administration,

5) To force the Ethiopian government to accept the self-administration rights of the Oromo people by ending the current indirect rule of TPLF/EPRDF in Oromia,

6) To force the Ethiopian government to accept the legitimate rights of the Oromo people to have their fair power and resources share in the federal government, and

7) Last but not least, the Oromo people are protesting to force the Ethiopian government to immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners including Dr. Merera Gudina, Mr. Bekele Gerba and Mr. Yonatan Tesfaye.

Over the last two years of the #OromoProtests, Ethiopian government did nothing to address any of the demands of the Oromo people. This is a very serious mistake on the part of the regime that prefers to despise and belittle the civilized power of the Oromo people.

Ethiopia will descend into chaos and instability if the Ethiopian government continue giving blind eyes and deaf ears to the demands of the people.

All Ethiopia’s development and security partners who observe the civilized and non-violent demands of the Oromo people must advise and pressure this unresponsive government to address each and every demand of the Oromo people.

https://www.facebook.com/birhanemeskel.abebe?fref=ts&sw_fnr_id=2328633628&fnr_t=0

Oromoonni afur Dhaabbata Fayyaa Addunyaa (WHO) Biyya Yaman Keessa Hojjatan Hidhaman

Teediroos Adaanoom muuxannoo fokkisaa hacuucaa sirna ABUT (TPLF) keessatti horate gara sadarkaa hoggansa olaanaa Dhaabbata Fayyaa Addunyaa (WHO) fudhatee dhaqeera. Daawwanna inni Yamanitti godhuuf jedhu dura baqattoonni Oromoo Dhaabbata Fayyaa Addunyaaf (WHO) Yaman keessa hojjechaa turan (waggaa 1-8 kanneen hojjetan) qabamanii hidhamaniiru. Duraa duubni haalaa qabamuu hojjetoota Oromoo WHO kan biyya Yaman keessaa akkaata armaan gadiitti tarreeffameera.

1. Gaafa Adoolessa 22, erga hogganaan haaraa WHO sochii fi dalagaalee damee WHO kan biyya Yaman daawwata jedhamee himamee guyyoota muraasa booda, hojjettoonni Oromoo dhabbatichaa, hoggantu isaaniitiin akka isaan Muummee Immigireeshinii Yamaniin brbaadaman haala tasgabbi qabuun itti himte. Akkasumas, gara muummee immigireeshinii dhaquun isaanii, sababa kamiifuu haa barbaadamanii, hoji fi nageenya isaanii irratti rakkina akka hin uumne amansiiste.

2. Haaluma kanaan, gaafa Adoolessa 22,hojjettoonni arfanuu konkolaata WHOtiin ( akkan odeeffadhetti) gara muummee Immigireeshinii Yaman geessamani…yeruma sana bakka sanatti qabamni. Amma erga hidhamanii guyyoota afur ta’eera.

3. Hiriyyoonni fi maatiin isaan daawwatan akka jedhanitti arfanuu daraaramaa jiru.

4. Namoota qabaman keessaa inni tokko akka jedhutti, lammiileen Itoophiyaa Yaman keessa WHOf hojjatan jiru, garuu kan qabaman hojjetoota Oromoo ta’an qofa dha.

5. Maqaan namoota yeroo ammaa kana mana hidhaa Yaman keessatti dararamaa jiranii:

A. Jamaal Ahimad
B. Hasan Fayisoo Badhaasoo
C. Shaamiil Daloo
D. Musaa Jamaal Husaa

(Maxxansa Feesbuukii Girmaa Gutamaa irra gara Afaan Oromootti kan hiikame)