Oromoonni afur Dhaabbata Fayyaa Addunyaa (WHO) Biyya Yaman Keessa Hojjatan Hidhaman

Teediroos Adaanoom muuxannoo fokkisaa hacuucaa sirna ABUT (TPLF) keessatti horate gara sadarkaa hoggansa olaanaa Dhaabbata Fayyaa Addunyaa (WHO) fudhatee dhaqeera. Daawwanna inni Yamanitti godhuuf jedhu dura baqattoonni Oromoo Dhaabbata Fayyaa Addunyaaf (WHO) Yaman keessa hojjechaa turan (waggaa 1-8 kanneen hojjetan) qabamanii hidhamaniiru. Duraa duubni haalaa qabamuu hojjetoota Oromoo WHO kan biyya Yaman keessaa akkaata armaan gadiitti tarreeffameera.

1. Gaafa Adoolessa 22, erga hogganaan haaraa WHO sochii fi dalagaalee damee WHO kan biyya Yaman daawwata jedhamee himamee guyyoota muraasa booda, hojjettoonni Oromoo dhabbatichaa, hoggantu isaaniitiin akka isaan Muummee Immigireeshinii Yamaniin brbaadaman haala tasgabbi qabuun itti himte. Akkasumas, gara muummee immigireeshinii dhaquun isaanii, sababa kamiifuu haa barbaadamanii, hoji fi nageenya isaanii irratti rakkina akka hin uumne amansiiste.

2. Haaluma kanaan, gaafa Adoolessa 22,hojjettoonni arfanuu konkolaata WHOtiin ( akkan odeeffadhetti) gara muummee Immigireeshinii Yaman geessamani…yeruma sana bakka sanatti qabamni. Amma erga hidhamanii guyyoota afur ta’eera.

3. Hiriyyoonni fi maatiin isaan daawwatan akka jedhanitti arfanuu daraaramaa jiru.

4. Namoota qabaman keessaa inni tokko akka jedhutti, lammiileen Itoophiyaa Yaman keessa WHOf hojjatan jiru, garuu kan qabaman hojjetoota Oromoo ta’an qofa dha.

5. Maqaan namoota yeroo ammaa kana mana hidhaa Yaman keessatti dararamaa jiranii:

A. Jamaal Ahimad
B. Hasan Fayisoo Badhaasoo
C. Shaamiil Daloo
D. Musaa Jamaal Husaa

(Maxxansa Feesbuukii Girmaa Gutamaa irra gara Afaan Oromootti kan hiikame)

የአዲስ አበባ ነገር “ሲስሟት ‘እምቢ’ ብላ ሲስቧት” ሆኗል!

Ethiopian Think Tank Group

ባለፈው ዓመት “ኦሮሚያን ለአመፅ፣ አዲስ አበባን ለቆሻሻ የዳረገች አንቀፅ” በሚል ርዕስ አንድ ፅሁፍ  አውጥቼ ነበር። በፅኁፉ የሕገ-መንግስቱ አንቀፅ 49(5) ተግባራዊ አለመደረጉ ለተጠቀሱት ችግሮች ምክንያት መሆኑን ይዘረዝራል። በዚህ አመት በሕገ-መንግስቱ አንቀፅ 49(5) መሰረት የኦሮሚያ ክልልን ልዩ-ጥቅም ለመወሰን የቀረበውን ረቂቅ አዋጅ ተከትሎ የውዝግቡ ጡዘት ከርሯል። ከሰሞኑ በኦሮሞ ልሂቃን ዘንድ እየተነሳ ያለው ጥያቄ “አዲስ አበባ የኦሮሚያ አካል ናት” የሚል ነው። “ይህ ጥያቄ ከሕገ-መንግስቱ አንፃር እንዴት ይታያል” የሚለውን የዘርፉ ምሁራን ትንታኔ ሊሰጡበት ይችላሉ። ይህ ፅሁፍ ግን ጥየቄውን ከመሰረታዊ የመብት መርህ አንፃር ያለውን አንድምታ ይዳስሳል።

ከሦስት አመታት በፊት በኦሮሚያ ክልል አመፅና ተቃውሞ ሲነሳ “የአዲስ አበባ ማስተር ፕላን ይቁም” በሚል እንደነበር ይታወሳል። በዚህ መልኩ የተጀመረው የፖለቲካ ንቅናቄ ዛሬ ላይ “አዲስ አበባ የኦሮሚያ አካል ናት” ወደሚለው ተቀይሯል። ይህ እንዴት ሊሆን እንደቻለ ለማወቅ በቅድሚያ ከአመፅና ተቃውሞ በስተጀርባ ያለውን መሰረታዊ ምክንያት መረዳት ያስፈልጋል።

በመሰረቱ፣ አዲስ አበባ ከአመሰራረቷ ጀምሮ በዙሪያዋ ካለው የኦሮሞ ማህብረሰብ ጋር ያላት ግንኙነት ኢ-ፍትሃዊ ነበር። ለብዙ አመታት ከተማዋ በዙሪያዋ ያለውን የኦሮሞ አርሶ-አደር ወደጎን እየገፋችና ከመሬቱ እያፈናቀለች…

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The Fight will continue as Finfinnee/Addis Abeba Renews its Violent Stance

By Tullu Liban

It is unfortunate that our mind is preoccupied now and then with TPLF generated ridicules. It seems we are yet to be overwhelmed much by such anecdotes. However, incumbent on us to fight it back. Intrigues after intrigues are designed by the regime to constrict its grip on our fate, though we can’t afford to concede, no matter what it takes.

A month ago, authorities in Finfinnee dispatched a draft document meant to provide for a “Special Interest of Oromia over Finfinnee”( to check the heartbeat of our people?). When they learned, they were bombarded with a storm of criticism, they denied that they were the source of the document. OPDOs could have benefited from the discussions Oromo intellectuals made if they were smart enough. Their failure to stand up to this very perilous draft act is a litmus paper for OPDOs to prove whether their true masters are the Oromo people or the TPLF oligarchies.
Having said so, let’s look at the so-called draft law. Even though a comprehensive account of the so-called “Special Interest” proclamation is yet to emerge, summary of the draft law has already been presented in the statement of the Council of Ministers and the points raised here are based on the statement released to the media. The following fundamental points are clear indicators that the said draft law is useless and unacceptable as far as Oromia interest over Finfinnee is concerned.
1. Finfinnee is a legitimate land of Oromia; thus, it should be solely or jointly governed by the Oromia state. This enables Oromia to design and execute whatever comes thereof as its benefit. There is no mention of this crucial point.
2. Oromia should get a share from revenues generated from its land. The draft law doesn’t guarantee this essential right.
3. From the very outset, the draft proclamation presupposes that eviction of Oromo farmers will continue under a pretext of development. Who will define the so-called development? Is investment synonymous with development? Why the farmers can’t be shareholders in the investment ventures as providers of the major component for investment-their land? Who are the developers after all? Settler Evictors? When and where does Finfinnee stop growing horizontally? Why does it still yawn to swallow the surrounding farm lands?
4. Where is the demarcation between Finfinnee and Oromia? How can the two administrations talk about delimiting their territories when the law fails to provide for border delimitation?
5. Finfinnee is surrounded by Oromia farmlands. Therefore, it should stop damping garbage on Oromo land and polluting blood vein water sources of the Oromo farmers. The so-called draft law, envisages to continue with this sore practice albeit containing calming verbose. Who decides, what when how and where to dispose Finfinnee waste? Due to these 5 main reasons among others, the draft law is distasteful and trash.
Unless theses fundamental questions are answered, there will be no Oromia interest is served in Finfinnee and the deadlock will continue between Oromia and the capital city. The fight will not stop and it will be hardly possible for the capital city to uphold its violent, expansionist, exclusionist and segregationist bearing on the Oromo people under the guise of “Oromia’s Special Interest”. The so-called draft law is offensive and problematic instead of a solution.
These questions in mind, let us yet raise few points to reveal other shortfalls. We will challenge the draft law both in its substantive values and implications.
Some issues in the “Social Service” paragraphs in the statement
a. According to the statement of Council of Ministers, Finfinnee administration will arrange primary schools for farmers in Finfinnee and citizens who want their children to learn in Afan Oromo.
• Are there farmers in the city currently or the Finfinnee is planning to annex Oromo farming lands?
• Why Afan Oromo is limited to elementary schools? What if parents or students want Afan Oromo beyond elementary classes?

b. The statement pronounces that Finfinnee will consider Oromo natives in its hospital service plan. What does it mean? Oromos are not getting health services in hospitals in Finfinnee now? In what sense, does Finfinnee plan hospitals for Oromos? Will it be a discount of service fee? Will Finfinnee assign Afan Oromo speaking health professionals? Will it allocate additional resources for Oromo farmers? We will see it.
c. Here is another funny clause in the statement “Oromia Special Zone is established around Finfinnee to tailor services”. Is this not wired? We know for sure that the Finfinnee Environ Special Zone has been in place since 2006. In what terms the Special Zone could serve a special interest of Oromia now?
d. Another baffling phrase reads “to provide services for Oromo nationals who use their language, Afan Oromo will serve as a working language of the city”.
e. This is a very elusive and deceptive statement. When examined carefully, this statement doesn’t present Afan Oromo as a working language of the city. The language is used only when Oromos are interested to get service in their language. This is simply a translation service, may be in court and hospital settings. It is normally limited to official services. The service wouldn’t include transactions in a public sphere. The working language of the city, continues to be Amharic. The statement doesn’t indicate that Afan Oromo will be a parallel working language alongside Amharic. If Afan Oromo becomes the second language of the city, there will be a lot of changes. For instance, signboards throughout the city, bus and taxi tags, formal speeches in the city administration, city government parliament working language, documents, etc. must be presented Afan Oromo together with Amharic. Afan Oromo speaking personnel should be in public service in key sectors like transport, banks, market centers, malls, and city government institutions. Unfortunately, that is not the spirit of the draft law. It is about simple translation service for Oromos who don’t communicate in Amharic. That a thinly service. It serves no special interest. Shame on OPDO braggadocios who open their wide mouth as if Afan Oromo has become the language of the city. They believe so may be out of ignorance, because they seem to understand little of the illusions they live in.
f. Moreover, we heard that foot prints that reflect Oromo identity and historical events, memorials, roundabouts, avenues and neighborhood names will bear Oromo identity “as deems necessary”. Who will decide the necessity of these stuff then? Who will decide where and when the said provisions be executed? Who will monitor the implementation? In fact, this is a mask, empty mask. There are several such laws, regulations, and directives that are on shelf for years because making a law is not an end by itself.
g. It is also mentioned that conditions will be facilitated for the establishment of Oromo cultural centers, recreational sites and theatre. We raise the same question here? Who decides? The questions we raise here directly relate to the fundamental point we raised in item 1 of this piece.
h. The statement clearly defined that Addis Ababa will continue to be used as a designated name for the city at international, national and city level. Who cares? Did you laugh like me to read a phrase that says, the name Finfinnee is equal with Addis Ababa before the law? What is this? Excuse my ignorance that I was not aware the name Finfinnee was inferior to Addis Ababa. A special right? Yeah?

Regarding Oromia’s economic interest on Finfinnee
All the economic issues on “a special interest” bowel down to question #2 we raised earlier. Unless Oromia is able to appropriate the revenue that Finfinnee generates (in whatever arrangement) the talk of economic benefits is a groundless rhetoric and useless as well. Just let’s unveil the essence of some heavy but empty words in the economic benefits section.
a. The statement articulates that Oromia will benefit from services like water supply, liquid and solid waste disposal, transport services, employment opportunity and condominium houses built by government expense, market center facilities and adequate compensation when farmers are evicted for “development” purposes. Look at this joke, who will determine the amount of services Oromia should get? Why does Finfinnee predetermine that farmers will be evicted? Why doesn’t Finfinnee plan its waste disposal within its own boundary? Condos: Is the law referring to condos that will be built in future? When? Can’t Oromos be eligible as citizens for condos without a special interest? By the way there are endless yet untold shams around Finfinnee condos. I may write about it some other time. Just to throw a little light on the impracticality of the condo issue, let us mention two key points. Condominium house is not a charity project. You have to pay in hundreds thousands. Would it be really a level walk for the Oromo farmer? Back in 2004, when Arkebe Equbay was appointed mayor of the city, he pledged to construct 100,000 house units in 5 years and some 400,000 people were registered to own condos. However, the city was able to satisfy only some 80,000 expectants in ten years (up to 2014). If the construction continues with same pace, even in the next 30, years the first-round registers will not own condos let alone a newcomer Oromo farmer.
b. The statement also mentions that Oromia will benefit from transport networks that the city provides. What a joke? Finfinnee is not mandated to construct roads in Oromia. Highway roads are constructed by central government and regions are mandated to construct gravel roads in their respective territories. So Finfinne will not provide the infrastructure. The current relation is based on transport service that is purely guided by market drives. Oromos pay the fare like any citizen and go back and forth to Finfinnee for business. As we know Anbessa city bus and taxies travel as far as Teji, in the south west, Chancho in the north, Sandafa in the north east, Bishoftu in the east and Holota in the west. So, where is the point that Oromia special interest is served? Will there be a special fare for Oromos?
c. The so-called law discusses that Oromo youth will get job opportunity in the enterprises undertaken by Finfinnee administration in the surrounding areas. Here there is a big question, what is Finfinnee’s business in the surrounding areas? By default, the meddling of Finfinnee administration in the surrounding areas, means another version of the “Integrated Addis Ababa Master Plan” we rejected and died to reject.
d. In the economic benefit camouflage, there is one clear position designated to the Oromo people. They are not mall owners, they are not wholesalers, they are not building owners, they are not merchants. They are poor farmers who bring agricultural products to the market and feed dwellers of the city most of whom are settlers. There is no affirmative action that provides for the Oromo people to become modern business owners and dwellers in their own city in a modern fashion of the day. They are grossly supposed to remain as farmers forever, no matter how fast the city encroaches to their dooryard.

ክቡር ጠ/ሚኒስትር: “የእርስዎ ከሥልጣን መውረድ ለኢትዮጲያ ትልቅ ውለታ ነው!

Ethiopian Think Tank Group

ባለፈው ባወጣነው ፅሁፍ የፖለቲካ አመራር ብቃት የሌላቸው መሪዎች ለሀገር ሰላም፥ ልማትና ዴሞክራሲ “እንቅፋት” እንደሚሆኑ በዝርዝር ተመልክተናል። በመጨረሻም፣ በሀገራችን ወቅታዊ ፖለቲካ ላይ በግልፅ የሚስተዋለው ችግር የመልካም አስተዳደር ወይም የኪራይ ሰብሳቢነት ችግር ሳይሆን የፖለቲካ አመራር ብቃት ማነስ እንደሆነ በፅሁፉ ተጠቁሟል። ከዚህ አንፃር፣ “የኢህአዴግ መንግስት የፖለቲካ አመራር ብቃት እንዴት ይታያል?” የሚለውን በዚህ ፅሁፍ በዝርዝር እንመለከታለን።

በእርግጥ በሀገራችን ፖለቲካዊ ሁኔታ ላይ የሚሰጥ ማንኛውም ሃሳብና አስተያየት ከጭፍን ድጋፍ ወይም ተቃውሞ ስለሚቆጠር በአንድ ነገር ላይ በግልፅ ተነጋግሮ መግባባት አስቸጋሪ ነው። አሁንም ቢሆን ስለ ጠ/ሚ ኃ/ማሪያም ደሳለኝ አመራር ብቃት የግል አስተያየቴን ስሰጥ “የመንግስት ተቃዋሚ ስለሆነ ነው” መባሉ አይቀርም። ነገር ግን፣ እያንዳንዱ ኢትዮጲያዊ “ጠ/ሚ ኃይለማሪያም ደሳለኝ የፖለቲካ አመራር ብቃት አላቸው ወይስ የላቸውም?” የሚለውን ጥያቄ መጠየቅና ተገቢ የሆነ ምላሽ የማግኘት መብት አለው። ጥያቄው ስለ ግለሰቡ የግል ባህሪና ብቃት አይደለም። ከዚያ ይልቅ፣ የሕዝብን ሰላምና ደህንነት፣ የሀገርን ልማትና ዴሞክራሲ ከማረጋገጥ አንፃር የሕልውና ጥያቄ ስለሆነ ነው።    

በ2008 ዓ.ም መጋቢት ወር ላይ የመንግስታቸውን የስድስት ወር አፈፃፀም ለሕዝብ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤት ሪፖርት ሲያቀርቡ ጠ/ሚ…

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Eritrea’s Isaias Afewerki on OMN: Much ado about nothing

Ethiocritical.com

Wednesday April 19th 2017

By Zecharias Zelalem

Why did you bring these monkeys to the throne, this throne was supposed to be for lions!”

This was former guerrilla commander and current President of Eritrea, Isaias Afewerki in his most recent interview, a two parter in English on Ethiopia’s dissident Oromo Media Network (OMN). By monkeys, he was referring to the regime ruling Ethiopia for over two decades now. Upon the Eritrean President’s uttering of these and other statements that were sure to spite Ethiopia’s autocratic personalities, the two OMN interviewers crowed, obviously delighted to have obtained something that would be deemed as belittling of the EPRDF government.

It is the EPRDF government that resorted to using live ammunition to quell last year’s Oromo protest movement, resulting in the deaths of around a thousand people, mostly unarmed university and high school students.

OMN, seen by many as the media…

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Economic revolution? The chain is on the dog’s neck

By: Tullu Liban
Some people seem to be touched and thrilled by Lemma Megersa’s public tizzies. Indeed, Lemma talks Afan Oromo prettily and his verbose are quite attractive, though yet to be tested in action. Such glossy talks are not bad albeit the mix-up of OPDO’s pragmatic power limit and their confused world.

The fact speaks for itself, though. How come one expects economic or otherwise emancipation to come from an enslaved group? We don’t need any lecture on Oromo nationalism and economic marginalization from Lemma, for that matter. The level of Oromo self-consciousness is far way ahead than Lemma and co. would believe. We have had enough of them over years and no rhetoric can be a panacea for Oromo questions but action. The fact is that OPDO can bring neither economic nor political empowerment for the Oromo people given its obvious position in the power relations. They cannot because they are not made to do or be so. The very people who are caged in the nursery of TPLF; hived off from the people they are meant to represent, cannot liberate others before they do declare their own freedom. OPDOs (not the file and rank ones) are up in the line of politics so long they serve the interest of the masters who installed them. They are installed for a purpose. That purpose is to be an ensemble for TPLF interest in order that the latter could exploit resources of Oromia.

TPLF doesn’t want the Oromo people but their resources. Therefore, they don’t want to empower the people whom they are determined to loot indefinitely. They are not that naive to lose their grip over the resource they direly need. Thus, they don’t permit OPDOs to exercise a real power. If one believes OPDODs are exercising a real power in the Oromia leadership or in the fake federalism, one is simply foolish or far away from the tricks of Tigrian politics.
Lemma is not in the service of the Oromo people because he is not elected by free will of the people. He is an assignee of TPLF and his cabinet too. Where is the point then, that one hopes Lemma will bring about economic revolution for the Oromo people?
Lemma is instructed to deliberately speak up loudly picking up the language of honest Oromo elites: nationalism, marginalization, segregation, dehumanization etc. Yes, it seems the plan is hitting the target, it caught public attention for a moment; but couldn’t cool down public temper as it was supposed to.
TPLF emboldened Lemma Megerssa and Beker Shale to spark a dialogue to measure the thermometer of Oromo politics. In a way, TPLF will buy time, respire for a while, work out how to quell the next chapter of inevitable Oromo fight that bothers them day and night.
Those who are hoping OPDOs will change the powerline in Ethiopia’s politics are misleading themselves. OPDO is a handmade “speaking tool”. When the creators, the TPLF masters want them to speak, OPDOs speak nicely and loudly. When they are told to act, they will perform exceedingly. Don’t forget, the chain is on their neck, yet. To loosen a chain on the neck of one’s dog or tighten, fasten it, is not decided by the dog itself but by the owner. That is the situation in which the OPDO surrogates find themselves. If any change happens, in answering Oromo questions, it happens because of the irresistible smack TPLF gangs sustained because of the nonstop Oromo struggle.
Even amid the shocks it has experienced, TPLF still aspires to survive in the years to come. In 2020, TPLF will conduct another round of sham elections in Ethiopia. In the next elections, they want to cling to power by hook or crook. They deploy different tactics to achieve that dream. One of the tactics is addressing some of the Oromo questions. They may promote Afan Oromo as the second federal language, at least theoretically. They may enact a law on Oromia-Finfinnee relations, at least on paper. They may delegate regions to administer certain portions of the economy (with strict control of the center). All these cosmetic reforms will happen to legitimize the next survival of TPLF as a central powerhouse of the empire. As we can see preparations are underway in the name of political negotiation where Oromia is not represented. There will be some individuals in the name of opposition parties in the next parliament of TPLF (Tolessa Tesfaye, Lidetu Ayalew and Ayele Chamisso in mind) . And yet, the essence of the real power relations will remain under the full control of TPLF.
The whole effort of TPLF is now to finalize a groundwork to get a “pass grade” for the 2020 elections. Then, they will prepare another strategy for the 7th, 8th, 9th and 10th rounds to realize the 50 year Tigrian rule dream.
The thing is that OPDO protagonists like Lemma Megerasa, are in the TPLF utmost service so that the former could buy time for power perpetuation. Lemma and his OPDO are agents of TPLF in Oromia as we know them since their creation from POWs.
One must ask Lemma when he broadly opens his mouth about Oromo marginalization where he has been hitherto. He has been an active player, a forefront striker in effecting the marginalization process. One would not have been surprised if Lemma was a newcomer to the OPDO circle. However, it wouldn’t make any sense to hear his ostentatious rhetoric he himself being one of the persons in the enemy service by heart. For heaven’s sake, how dare the thoughts of Oromo economic empowerment came through Lemma’s revelation as if he has not been part and parcel of the system that made the Oromo people sustain the pains? Okay fine, now say they came to their sense to realize the pains, how can Lemma and his comrades reverse politically designed marginalizations under the slave-master relationship with TPLF?
If politics is not a magical activity or a divine business, in this real world of humans, there will be no economic empowerment without political empowerment. If the chain on the neck of OPDO was not in the palms of TPLF, one would hope to see changes in different life aspects as far as Oromia is concerned. But the remote control is not in the palms of the dogs; the masters do hold that chain; will they loosen the grip? No! They may let the dogs relax temporarily, not permanently.
In sum, we are sure whatever reform TPLF conducts in the name of OPDO or if OPDO does something good to answer a portion of Oromo questions, they do it not because they wished to do it nor OPDO dared to demand it. If the OPDO stooges had that ability, they could have materialized many of Oromo demands long ago. The harder we hammer them, the tight we press them, the more our dreams are achieved. They are not granting us our rights. We are gabbing them through struggle. Whatever benefit comes in favor of Oromia, we welcome them because they are the result of Oromo struggle, not a gift from the enemy. They are achieved by struggle thanks to our martyrs who shed their blood selflessly for the noble cause.

Adwa is a colonial war among competing Colonial Empires despite the participation of subject peoples as footsoldiers

By: Tsegaye Ararsa

Indians, Nigerians, Ghanaians fought both World Wars (one of which is a purely colonial-imperial war) under the British. Eritreans and Lybians fought WWII for Italy. Likewise, Africans and Caribbeans fought for the French. In each case, the wars weren’t fought for their freedom. They fought the white man’s war as colonial subjects. It took decades of struggle for decolonization before these subject peoples fought for freedom.

Adwa is a colonial war of the scramble for the horn of Africa. It was a war among whites and honorary whites. Many subject peoples, most of them in chains, were weaponized against the Italians.

In the end, colonialism was entrenched and legalized in the horn of Africa. Eritrea was officially ceded to Italy as their colony. In subsequent treaties, the British title over the territories of the Sudan, Kenya, and British Somaliland was readily accepted. The Italian title over Eritrea and Italian Somaliland was legally entrenched. The French got full title deeds, as it were, for 99 years over the French Somaliland.

These Menelikan colonialist adventures were the price of Abyssinian sovereignty as per the colonial international law of the time. Abyssinian sovereignty, sanctioned and sanctified by colonial international law of the time–meant “to civilize the African ‘savages'” in Ethiopia and beyond, included many subject peoples into the fold of the territory of what was officially Abyssinia until 1946.

Today, those who like to fetishize the Adwa moment tell us that Adwa is the victory of all Ethiopians because even subject peoples have fought in the war. This is an attempt to include the subject peoples into the fold of their Abyssinian imperial adventures in order to totalize their own experience of the Adwa glory as the experience of these subjects. It is a strategy of retrospective legitimation by inclusion, I understand. But including the otherwise excluded for the sake of legitimizing the hegemon is still exclusion. It is exclusion by inclusion.

Adwa is anything but an anti-colonial war. Adwa accepted, confirmed, appropriated, and amplified the first premises and the logic of European colonialism and implemented it in the horn of Africa with a more barbaric rigor effected through European rifles. As such, it was merely a local instantiation of what Kipling called “the white man’s burden”, albeit done by black bodies.

Adwa is anything but a black victory over a white colonizer. Adwa was a moment of self-hating denial of blackness. Nothing typifies this more than the emphatic Menelikan disavowal of his blackness when he was invited to be an honorary president of the global association for the improvement of the life of the “Negro”. By saying “I am not a Negro; I am Caucasian,” Menelik stipulated that he is “an honorary white man.” This stipulation, while assuming alliance and identification with white Europe (the “community of civilized nations”), also inaugurated the habasha racism that, to date, discounts blackness, devalues black culture and identity, and belittles the dignity of black persons and all darker skinned peoples. In a way, Adwa was the inaugural moment for the birth of racialized hierarchy between and among the peoples of Ethiopia.

Adwa is anything but an African triumph over global imperialism. It was in fact a moment that contributed to the subjugation of Africa–the horn region–to European colonialism. It was a local instantiation of the global imperial project of the “scramble for Africa.” Much to the dejection of genuine pan-Africanists, this happened by propagating the Ethiopian exceptionalism in Africa (claiming that it is an ancient state, that it was Judaic/semitic, that it was christian, that is was the second Zion, that it was ‘civilized’, etc). Consequently, the Adwa moment ushered in the notion that Abyssinia, is IN Africa but not OF Africa, is “African but not quite.”

And yet, I understand that there are people who are passionately attached to this moment because of the positive material and moral consequences the moment yielded for them. That is as it should be, because it is experienced by them as their moment of glory.

That does not mean that everyone experienced the moment in the same way. Nor does it mean that the same positive consequences accrued to us all in the same way.

Yes, numerous subject peoples took part in it. Some in chains, some free. Some were deployed at a leadership level owing to their skills of war. Notable names of Oromo or of other non-habasha descent may have adorned the list of fighters or war leaders. But that doesn’t make the war theirs. Nor does it make any less colonial, any less imperial, or any more African, or any blacker. That Ghanaians, Indians, or Nigerians fought for the Britain; that Eritreans, and Libyans fought for Italy; that Francophone West Africans, Caribbeans, or Algerians fought for the French made the world wars wars of freedoms for their subject peoples.

To not celebrate your party is not to stand against it. It only means that it is YOUR party, not ours.

If you can hear this voice of hesitation, maybe, therein you will also find the hope of your redemption, inclusion on the terms defined by the hitherto excluded.

If not, you will dance to your own chants alone. That is fine by us as long as you don’t ask us to dance to your chants. To be in the house isn’t exactly the same as being in the party.

PS. For the mindless and homeless political rascals: now go out and fetishize the Adwa moment like you always do, like you fetishize most everything Abyssinian alright. But don’t ask us to dance to your chants.

THE PEOPLES’ ADWA: The Imperative of Embracing Plural Interpretation

Tsegaye R. Ararssa

1 March 2016
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Every year, when March is around the corner, Ethiopian social media activists start to be noisy. The defenders of Adwa as a phenomenal black history moment and the revisionists battle it out fiercely, often in a vulgar mode of exchange. Over the last two years, I have been observing this discussion between those who seek to promote the old narrative of state orthodoxy as the only and the universal meaning of Adwa and those who take a more sceptical stance seeking to show the darker sides that the Adwa moment signifies.

The following paragraphs were written in response to those who seek to impose on the Oromo this exhausted old narrative of the ideologically motivated imperial State Orthodoxy.

1.There are right reasons to celebrate the battle of Adwa. But to say Adwa is a black man’s war fought for securing the freedom of the people of the black race is celebrating the event for the wrong reason.

2.Truth be told, it was a colonial war fought among colonial empires, framed by rules of colonial international law, with a colonizing consequence for Africa.

3.It was a war fought between two maiden empires competing over the fate of black peoples in Ethiopia and beyond. This was clearly stated by the emperor himself several times, the emperor who also clearly denied that he is black, the emperor who rather mysteriously claimed to be Caucasian, the emperor who refused to identify with Afro-Americans and Haitians who saw him as one of their own and sought to salute him for his achievements at Adwa, the emperor who brutally murdered millions of black people, the emperor who personally owned over 70, 000 black slaves, the emperor who negotiated with white colonial powers on the fate of other black peoples (Eritreans, Djiboutians, Somalis, and the Sudanese) under white colonial rule.

4.To say Adwa is a pride of black people, therefore, is a distortion of historical truth and a gross misrepresentation of the man and the event.

5.To say that our people sacrificed, especially those of them who were in chains, to preserve a semblance of an African sovereignty; to commemorate the lives lost in that war and to honor the sacrifices thereof is the right reason to celebrate it. As someone whose forefathers have paid dearly for this and for the subsequent fascist war, I feel the pain, I share the loss, and I honor their sacrifice.

6.As I honor their sacrifice and commemorate and celebrate the lives of the many black bodies lost there, I speak the truth, the whole truth, and stick only to the truth.

7.To my compatriots who insist that we should celebrate it for the wrong reason, I insist in telling you the truth, the raw truth, especially on the issues we disagree strongly.

Doing this is paying a proper tribute to the agony and anguish of those who lived and died in chains to defend a state that left them outside of the polity. To do this is a sacred duty, a civic duty, an act of loyalty–even to the state that is formed on my forefathers’ graves.

This is an act of sacrifice, as I am fully aware of the past and present reality of rejection in Ethiopia, completely cognizant of its violent beginnings and violent bearings in the present, totally imbued with faith in redemption, and immensely driven by the almost impossible hope of transformation, even of transfiguration.

To those of you who don’t see the gibberish in the incoherence of, and the irony in, the Menelikan claim to be (an honorary) whiteman but think I am making a gibberish (you know who you are!);

To those of you who claimed that we prefer an Italian colonial rule to an Abyssinian one (almost all of you in the Menelikan fetish camp have said it!);

To those of you who–being the children and grandchildren of bandas and the shumbash–came out to whitewash yourself by calling me names such as banda (and you know who you are!!!);

To those of you who, because of historical misinformation–via political and cultural propaganda such as songs by Gigi, Tedy Afro and essays by Bewketu, and a self-conscious and yet a romanticizing film produced by Professor Haile Gerima, etc– to those of you who could not distinguish the right from the wrong reasons for celebrating the event as a result;

For you, I have only pity.

But I like to restate to you in the strongest possible terms that I come from a people of hope and redemption.

I note the fractured beginnings of the state.

I note its violent inauguration.

I note its deficits of pan-Africanism (which is still the reason that Ethiopia is IN Africa but not OF Africa).

I note the Ethiopian State’s imperial and colonial beginnings.

I note all of its ‘original constitutional sins’.

And I will openly tell you about it.

I will be happy to engage you in a conversation in public or private.

In fact, I encourage a deeper public conversation on the matter. Yes, a deeper national conversation that is long overdue. (This might also help us develop a sense of ‘ethical listening,’ a sense of agonistic listening, to each other as a polity.)

And I do so because I believe in the hope of transformation. I believe in the hope of going beyond and above those inaugural wounds. I believe in building a better future in spite of, and BECAUSE OF, those wounds. I believe in the transfiguration of society.

I will also tell you what I won’t do:

I will not pamper you.

I will not come to you with half-truths.

I will not mystify the objective truth.

I will not shrink the meaning of the event or the historical figures into one and only one. I insist on multiple interpretations of Adwa and all other historical events in Ethiopia. I insist on multiple popular interpretations.

I will not regurgitate and reproduce the state orthodoxy of the past as the truth or the one and only interpretation of historical truths.

For far too long, we have seen historical narratives told to us ex cathedra.

For far too long, the voices, the stories, and the narratives of peoples have been suppressed.

For far too long, your grand narratives have ignored, silenced, and erased the voices of the peoples–especially the voices of the frontier peoples (the peoples who were never people in the democratic–the demos–sense of the term).

Also, I will not flatter you, especially if the truth refuses to flatter you. I won’t spare you from my wrath if you come and write a gibberish, or, even worse, your insults (as most of you are bent on doing). I promise you: I will return the compliment in kind, or I will block you.

If you want a civil conversation, I welcome you (especially if you are willing to do your part of the home work).

To the people of hope, to the people of redemption, to the people that were not ‘people’ in the past, I say:

YOU HAVE COME A LONG WAY, EVEN TO THE MOUNT OF ADWA (for no gain or glory). You have survived darker days. You shall survive these ones, too.

As we resist the present abuse, we also resist a hegemonic discourse that fetishizes the cause of all our ills into a benign state orthodoxy.

Resist we will, in part because, to do so has now become our (unchosen) way of life.

Resist we will, because for some of us, it has now become a way of being in the world.

And we will do so in truth. … Told in love. … Told with an undying hope.

Happy celebration of the peoples’ Adwa…and, for once, a celebration for the right reason.
***** ***** *****
Source: https://advocacy4oromia.org/…/the-peoples-adwa-the-imperat…/

Hariiroon Itoophiyaa fi Suudaan Kibbaa hammaataa dhufuun qabsoo hidhannoof foddaa saaqa

Hariiroon motummaan Itoophiyaa fi Suudaan Kibbaa (SK) jidduu jiru hammaataa fi mi’aa fixataa dhufeera. Mootummooni lamaanuu wolhimataa, wolkomataa fi gocha woliitti obsa fixataati kan dhufan. Salvaa Kiir, pirezidaantiin SK, tibbana Masrii gayee deebi’uun isaa shakkii yeroo dheeraadhaaf Itoophiyaa fi SK wolirraa qabaataa turan dhugoomseera.

Hariiroon dippiloomaasii Itoophiyaa fi Suudaan Kibbaa jidduu jiru haalaan dadhabaadha. Mootummaan lamaan yeroo kanatti wolitti gaarriffatu; hidhii walitti ciniinnatu. Itoophiyaan ambaasaadara Suudaan Kibbaa ari’uunis gabaafamee jira. Suudaan Kibbaa garuu dhugaa miit jetti. Michummaan Suudaan Kibbaa Kaayiroo waliin eegalte akka shira hidhaa Abbayyaa gufachiisuuf xaxameetti kan ilaallame, ija Abbaay Tsahaayyee fa’aan. Kana malees Suudaan Kibbaa, jaarmayaalee mootummaa Woyyaanee hidhannoodhaan dhabamsiisuu hawwaniif doohannoo laatteerti ykn laatuudhaaf fedhii agarsiisteerti oduun jedhu gara Jubaatii bayuu eegaleera. Kuni hangam dhugaa akka ta’e ammatti mirkaneeffachuudhaaf rakkisaadha. Garuu, yeroo kanatti qilleensi siyaasaa keessaa fi alaa bubbisu hundi Woyyaanetti kan fidaa jiru bowwoo qofa jedhu taajjabdoonni.

Rakkoon Suudaan Kibbaa, garee Salvaa Kiirii fi Riik Mashaar jidduu yeroo dheeraadhaaf ture, sodaa fi aabjuu mootummaa Woyyaanee isa yeroo dheeraa dhugoomsaa dhufeera. Itoophiyaan yeroo addaddatti, dhimma Suudan Kibbaa keessa harka naqataa fi waa’ee araara SK dubbataa turteerti. Yeroo kana gootu rakkoo fi naga dhabuun Suudaan Kibbaa Woyyaanee yaachsiee miti. Mootummaa naga argamsiisuuf hojjatau, isa mirga namaa fi dimokraasii argasmiisuuf tattaafatu taées miti. Jeeqamuun Suudaan Kibbaa humnoota akka ABO fi G7 doohannaa argamsiisa- deeebíanii miilaan akka gadi dhaabatan taasisa sodaa jedhu. Aabjuu kana kan Woyyaanee ganna hedduuf hirriba dhabsiise dhimma Suudaan Kibbaa keessa harka, miilaa fi waraana isii akka naqxu kan taasise.

Jarmayaaleen qawweedhaan Woyyaanee kuffisuuf carraaqan yeroo heddu biyya ollaa doohannaa isaaniif laattu dhabuun qabsoo geggeessan qancarsuu isaa dubbattu. Suudaan Kibbaa fi Itoophiyaa, akkasumas Masrii fi Itoophiyaa jidduu hariiroon jiru sadarkaa baay’ee hamaa jedhamu irra gayuun isaa amma ifatti bayeera. Kana booda, ABO fi G7 foddaa carraa banamaa jirtu kanaan hulluuqanii seenu moo hanga balballi guutummatti saaqamu taa’anii eeguun gaafii hundaati.

Jalqaba kan maxxanfame: Awash Post  irratti