U.S. Gave 28-Day Ultimatum to the Ethiopian Regime to Allow UN Rapporteurs

(ESAT)

The United States on Wednesday gave a 28-day ultimatum to the Ethiopian regime to announce its consent to allow rapporteurs for the United Nations High Commissioner to investigate human rights violations in the country.

House majority leader Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R) said he communicated to the Ethiopian regime that they need to announce by February 28, 2018, that they will allow rapporteurs appointed by the United Nations to independently investigate the state of human rights in Ethiopia.

According to the majority leader, if the regime fails to do so, House Resolution 128, a resolution supporting human rights in Ethiopia, will be put to the floor of the House for a vote in March.

“Should the government not announce by Feb. 28 that it will allow the UNHCHR to independently examine the state of human rights in Ethiopia, then we will bring the resolution to the floor during the month of March.

Furthermore, should the government announce it will allow access by the deadline but then not actually follow through and give the UN access, we will bring the resolution to the floor,” McCarthy said in a letter to Ethiopian civic and political groups whom he met on Monday.

“There is no question this resolution has had and continues to have an impact. We are committed to the shared goalthat the human rights of every Ethiopian should be respected, honored, and protested,” McCarthy added.

The Ethiopian regime had repeatedly refused demands by the High Commissioner and other rights watchdogs for an independent investigation into the killings of hundreds of anti-government protesters since November 2015 when protests began in the Oromo region of Ethiopia.

By the regime’s own admission, over 900 people were killed in 2015 through 2017. There have been more deaths of protesters in 2018 and hundreds of others lost their lives in Eastern Ethiopia in a shoot to kill operation by the Special police force of the Somali region. The regime blames ethnic clashes between the Oromo and Somali communities for the deaths.

On Monday, a meeting was held between representatives of Ethiopian civic and political groups with majority leader McCarthyRep. Chris Smith and Rep. Mike Coffman that deliberated on ways of moving forward House Resolution 128, a resolution supporting respect for human rights and encouraging inclusive governance in Ethiopia.

Introduced in the House in February 2017, the resolution was scheduled to be on the House floor for a vote on October 2, 2017, but has been indefinitely postponed.

Res. 128, among others, calls for sanctions against Ethiopian officials responsible for committing gross human rights violations. It also called for the regime to allow a United Nations rapporteur to conduct an independent examination of the state of human rights in Ethiopia.

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ኢህአዴግ/ህወሀት ሳይፈቅድ የህወሀትን ተጽእኖ ማስወገድ ይቻላል

በአኖኒመስ

በጨለንቆ በሀገር መከላከያ ሰራዊት በኦሮሞዎች ላይ የተፈፀመዉን ግድያ አስመልክቶ በኦሮሚያ ክልላዊ መንግስት የተሰጠ መግለጫ

 

የኢፌዲሪ ህገ-መንግስት አንቀፅ 87 (3) ስር የአገር መከላከያ ሰራዊት የአገርን ሉዓላዊነት ለማሰከበር ነው የተቋቋመው። በዚሁ ንዑስ አንቀፅ 4 እና 5 ስር የአገር መከላከያ ሰራዊት በማንኛውኝ ጊዜ ለህገመንገስቱ ታዛዥ በመሆን ለፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች ውግንና ሳያሳይ ነፃ ሆኖ የአገር ደህንነት የመጠበቅ ስራውን እንደሚሰራ ይደነግጋል። ይሄው የመከላከያ ሰራዊቱ ከውጭ የሚመጣውን የአገሪቱን ጠላት ለመከላከል በአገሪቱ ብሄር ብሄረሰቦች የተገነባ ከተቋቋመለት አላማ ውጭ ታሪካዊ ስህተቶችን በህዘቦች ላይ ሲፈፅም ታይቷል። የህገ-መንግስቱ አንቀፅ 8 (1-5) ስር የአገሪቱ ህዝቦች ሉዓላዊነት አስመልክቶ የአገሪቱ ብሄሮች፣ ብሄረሰቦና ህዝቦች የኢተዮጵያ ሉዓላዊ የስልጣን ባለቤት መሆናቸው ይደነግጋል። ይህ ህገ-መንግስት የአገሪቷ የሀጎች ሁሉ የበላይ ሆኖ ባለበት ሁኔታ የስልጣን ባለቤት የአገሪቷ ብሄሮች፣ ብሄረሰቦና ህዝቦች ሆኖ እያሉ በማንኛው የአገሪቱ ባለስልጣን ውሳኔ ወይንም በማንኛውም የመንግስት አካል ወሳኔ ከህገ-መንግስቱ ጋር የሚጋጭ ተግባር በፈፀም በማይቻልበት ሁኔታ የአገሪቱ መከላከያ ሰራዊት ከተሰጠው የስልጣን ገደብ ጥሶ ህዝቡ ውስጥ በመግባት ጉዳት እያደረሰ ይገኛል።

ለዚህ መልካም ማሳያ የሚሆን ጥቂት ሀላፍነት በጎደላቸው የመከላከያ ሰራዊት አባላት በምስራቅ ሀረርጌ ዞን በሜታ ወረዳ በጨለንቆ ከተማ በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ የተፈፀመ ዘግናኝ የጅምላ ፍጂት ነው። ከዚህ ጅምላ ፍጂት በስተጀርባ ማነው ያለው የሚለው ጥያቄ ለህዝቡ መመለስ ግዴታ ነው። ከዚህ አፀያፊ ድርጊት በስተጀርባ ያለ ሃይል ሊጋለጥ ይገባል።

ለህግም መቅረብ ይኖርበታል። በአገራችን ህገ-መንግስት መሰረት የመጨረሻው የመከላከያ ሰራዊቱ አዛዥ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስተረሩ ነው። እንደዝህ አይነት ወንጀሎች ሲፈፀሙ ከእውቅናው ውጭ ከሆነ መርምሮ የማስተካከያ እርምጃ መውሰድ የሚገባው ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ፣ ይህንን ከማድረግ ፋንታ ተመሳሳይ ወንጀሎች በሚፈፀሙበት ውቅት ዝምታን መምረጥ ለሚፈፀመው ወንጀል እውቅና መስጠቱን ያሳያል።

የመከላከያ ሰራዊቱ የኦሮምያ ብሄራዊ ክልላዊ መንግስት ወደክልሉ እንዲገባ ጥሪ ባላደረገለት ሁኔታ የክልሉን ህዝብ የሉዓላዊ ስልጣኑ ባለቤትነት መብት በመግፈፍ የፈፀመውና እየፈፀመ የሚገኘው ወንጀል የአገሪቱን ህገ-መንግስት በግልፅ የጣሰ ነው። ይህንን ስንል የመከላከያ ሰራዊቱ በሙሉ የዚህ ችግር ሰለባናቸው ማለታችን ሳይሆን የህዝቡ ወገንተኝነት ያላቸው የመከላከያ አባላት እንዳሉ ሁሉ ጥቂት የሰራዊቱ አባላት ግን ሆፐን ብለው ህዝቡ ላይ ጉዳት እያደረሱ መሆናቸው በግልፅ እየታየ ነው።

በመሆኑም የህዝቡን ደህንነትና ሰላም ከማስተጠበቅ ፋንታ የህዝቡን ሰላም እያደፈረሱና ጉዳት እያደረሱ ያሉ የሰራዊቱ አባላት ለህግ ሊቀርቡ ይገባል። የህግ የበላይነት እንዲከበር የሚመለከተው አካላት ሁሉ ካልተንቀሳቀሰ ነገም ተመሳሳይ ችግር መከሰቱ የማይቀር ነው። የኦሮሚያ ክልላዊ መንግስትም በዚህ ደረጃ ትኩረት ሰጥቶበት የመፍትሄ አቅጣጫ በማሰቀመጥ እየሰራ ይገኛል።

የመከላከያ ሰራዊቱ የቆመለትን አላማ በመዘንጋት ያለሙያው በህዝቡ ውስጥ በመግባት ማወክ የማንን አላማ ከግብ ለማድረስ እንደሆነ ተለይቶ መታወቅ አለበት። የፌዴራል መንግስትና የኦሮሚያ ክልላዊ መንግስት ይህንን አሰቃቂ ወንጀል የፈፀሙትን የሰራዊቱ አባላትእና ከበስተጀርባ ሆነው ያቀዱትን ለህግ ለማቅረብ እየሰሩ ይገኛሉ። የሚደረስበት ውጤትም ለህዝቡ ይፋ ይደረጋል።

የክልሉ የጸጥታ አካላትም የክልሉን ህዝብ ሰላም ለማስከበር ማንኛውንም አይነት መስዋዕትነት ለመክፈል ከማንኛውም ጊዜ በላይ ዝግጁ መሆን አለባቸው። ህዝቡ አላስፈላጊ መስዋዕትነት እንዳይከፍል በመረጋጋትና በጥንቃቄ ሊንቀሳቀስ ይገባል። ከሁሉም በላይ መደማመጥና በአንድነት መንቀሳቀስ እጅግ ወሳኝ ነው።

የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላቀረበው የመብት ጥያቄ፣ መብቱን በሰላማዊ ትግል ለማስከበር ስለተንቀሳቀሰ በቄዬው ላይ በጅምላና በተናጠል የመገደል፣ ከሚኖርበት አከባቢ የመፈናቀልና ሽብር ሊፈፀምበት አይገባም። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ትናንት የኢትዮጵያን ሉዓላዊነት ለማስከበር ደሙን የከፈለና አገሪቷ ሉዓላዊነቷን ጥብቃ ለዛሬ እንድትበቃ ከሌሎች ህዝቦች ጋር በመሆን የተጠየቀውን ዋጋ ሁሉ የከፈለ ህዝብ ነው። የአገሪቷ ብሄር፣ ብሄረሰቦችና ህዝቦች ትናንት ያንን ሁሉ መስዋዕትነት የከፈሉት ለዚሁ አገር አንድነት፣ ሰላምና ብልፅግና ነው።

ዛሬም ጥቂት የመከላከያ ሰራዊቱ አባላት ህዝቡ የጣለባቸውንሃላፊነት በመዘንጋት ሰላማዊውን ህዝብ በቄዬው ላይ መግደል አስነዋሪ ነው። በመሆኑም ይህንን ወንጀል የፈፀሙትን አካላት ለህግ ማቅረብ ያስፈልጋል። ይህንን ለማድረግ በአንድ ባንድራ ስር አብረን ለምንኖር የአገሪቱ ብሄር ብሄረሰቦችና ህዝቦች አንድነትና ድጋፍ ጊዜው አሁን ነው። በጨለንቆ በተፈፀመው የጅምላ ግድያ በስተጀርባ ማን ነው ያለው? ለሚለው ጥያዌ ህቡ በግልፅ መልስ ሊያገኝ ይገባል።

Dhimma Finfinnee Ilaalchise Barreeffama Itti Gaafatamaan Biiroo Dhimma Kominikeeshinii Mootummaa Naannoo Oromiyaa, Obbo Addisuu Araggaa barreesse

Finfinneen dachee Oromooti. Handhuura Oromiyaa fi giddu galeessa Oromoo Maccaa fi Tuulamaati. Qe’ee Tufaa Munaa, Qajeelaa Dooyyoo, Abeebee Tufaa, Guddataa Araddoo, Jamoo Dabalee, Soraa Lomee, Galatee Asheetee, Axaalee Jaatanii fi Shubbuu Ejersaafaati.

Finfiinneen yeroo teessoo Mootii Minilik taatee tajaajiluu eegalte irraa kaasee hanga har’aattii qonnaan bultoota Oromoo nyaachaa, buqqisaa, aadaa, duudhaa fi eenyuummaa Oromummaa dhabamsiisaa sadarkaa amma irra jirtu irra akka geesse beekamaadha. Kuufaatii Dargii boodas chaartarii yeroo cehumsaa bara 1983-1987 (ALI) tumameen magaalaan Finfinnee akka naannoo of dandeesse tokkootti ክል 14 jedhamtee akka of bulchitu labsamee ture. Waggoota afuriif magaalaan Finfinnee naannoo taatee bulaa turte. Finfinneen yeroo akka naannoo of dandeesseetti bulaa turte labsii daangaa jettee bara 1986 seera baafatte. Labsii baafatte kanaanis daangaan ishee hanga Magaalota Buraayyuu, Laga Xaafoo Laga Daadhii, Sabbataa, Galaan fi kkf walakkaa isaaniitti akka bal’atu ummata Oromoo fi Mootummaa Naannoo Oromiyaa waliin osoo hinmariyatin seera baafatte.

Bara 1987 heerri mootummaa FDRI tumame. Heerri mootummaa biyya keenyaa kun waa’ee magaalaa Finfinne dhimmootni gurguddoo sadii akka jijjiiraman ifatti tume. Inni tokkoffaan Finfinneen mirga naannoo ta’uu dhabdee sadarkaa bulchiinsa magaalaatti akka ijaaramtu tume. Dhimmi lammaffaan Walitti dhufeenyi Oromoo fi Finfinnee jaarraa tokkoo oliif addaan cite ture deebisee walitti hidhe. Yeroo cehumsaa Oromiyaa fi Finfinneen akka naannoo fi naannootti walitti dhufeenya qabaachaa turani. Heerri mootummaa kun tumamuu booda Finfinneen akka qaama Oromiyaa taatee fi Oromiyaanis mirga addaa Finefinneerra akka qabdu ifatti kaa’e. Dhimmi sadaffaan Finfinneen teessoo mootummaa federaalaa waan taatteef akkasumas mirga ofiin of bulchuu sabaa fi sablammoota magaalatti keessa jiraatan eeguuf jecha akka naannoolee mirga hiree ofii ofiin murteeffachuu osoo hintaane mirga ofiin of bulchuu qofa akka qabaattu ifatti tume. Heerri Mootummaa FDRI walitti dhufeenya Oromoo fi Finfinnee gidduutti yeroo dheeraadhaaf addaan cite ture jijjiire. Finfinneen erga uuumatee kaaftee kan Oromoo waliin addan cittee turte akka qaama Oromoo taatu murteesse. Finfinneen kan Oromoo ta’uu mirkaneesse!

Heerri Mootummaa FDRI bara 1987 bahe Finfinneen Mirga ofiin of bulchuu malee mirga hiree ofii ofiin murteeffachuu akka hinqabne, Dhimmi bulchiinsa magaalaa Finfinnee labsiidhaan akka bahu ibsuudhaan seerota duraan turan (labsii daangaa magaalattiin bara1986 baafatte dabalatee) diigee jira. Kanaafuu dhimmi daangaa bulchiinsaa magaalaa Finfinnee fi Godina Addaa gidduu jiru kan murtaa’u fedhii ummata Oromoo daangaarra jiraatuu, fedhii Mootuumaa Naannoo Oromiyaa fi Bulchiinsa Magaalaa Finfinneetiin qofa akka ta’e ifatti beekamuu qaba. Kanaafuu, labsiin daangaa magaalaa Finfinnee fi Godina Addaa Oromiyaa Naannoo FInfinnee kan bara 1986 bahe ummata Oromoo fi MNO kan hin hirmaachisne waan ta’eef safartuu kamiiniyyuu fudhatama hin qabu.

Dhimmi daangaa Finfinnee fi Godina Addaa Oromiyaa Naannawaa Finfinnee dhimma daangaa bulchiinsaa naannoo tokko keessatti geggeeffamu akka ta’es ifatti beekamuu qaba.Dhimmi daangaa Finfinnee heera mootummaa biyya keenyaa bara 1987 bahe bu’uura godhachuudhaan ummata fedhii fi faayidaa ummata oromoo karaa mirkaneessu qofaan hojiitti hiikamuu qaba. Dhimma daangaa Finfinnee karaa waaraatiin furuuf koreen nama 10 of keessaa qabu ijaarame qorannoo kan dhiheesse yoo ta’u MN Oromiyaa bu’aa qorannoo kanaa guutummaatti fudhatee akka hojiitti hiikamuuf socho’aa jira.

Dhimmi daangaa bulchiinsaa magaalaa Finfinnee waliin walqabatee jiru bu’uura heera mootummaa FDRI fi mirgaa fi faayidaa ummata Oromoo karaa kabachiisuun hiikuun akkuuma jiruttii ta’ee, dhimmi xiyyeeffannoo barbaadu kan biraa dhimma pilaanii magaalatiiti.
Pilaaniin Finfinnee kanaan dura bahaa turee hirmaannaa mootummaa Oromiyaa fi uummata Oromoo of keessaa hin qabu. Pilaanii Finfinnee keessaatti qophaa’aa ture aadaa duudhaa fi eenyumaa oromoo kan calaqqisiisu miti. Abbaa biyyummaa Oromoo kan agarsiisu miti. Erga heerri mootummaa FDRI bahee boodas dogogoroota yeroo adda addaa turan kallattii sirreessuuf kan akeeku miti. Dhalootni Oromoo itti aanu abbaa biyyummaa isaa akka hubatuu fi abbootiin isaa akkamitti akka jiraataa turan, aadaaa duudhaa fi seenaan Oromoo akkamitti entertain ta’a kan jedhu of keessaa hinqabu.

Pilaaniin qophaa’aa ture lafa qabachuuf qofa qophaa’aa ture jechuun ni danda’ama. Waa’ee ummataa Oromoo fi qonnaan bulaa buqqa’uu dantaa tokkollee hinqabu. Qonaann bulaa Oromoo Caffee isaa, Odaa isaa diigaa deemaa ture. Xurii summaa’aan magaalaa Finfinnee keessa bahee gara maasaa qonnaan bulaa dhaqu utuu miidhaa hinqaqabsiisin akka itti hogganamullee hinkaa’u. Kana waan taa’eef pilaaniin magaalaa Finfinneetti yeroo adda addaa qophaa’aa ture buqqa’uu Oromoorra yeroo mootii Minilk irraa kaasee akka sabaatti gahaa ture kan itti fufsiisaa turedha jechuun nidanda’ama.

Kaayyoon heera mootummaa FDRI bara 1987 tumamee mirga hiree ofii ofiin murteeffachuu sabootaa mirkaneessuun boqonnaa qe’ee ofiirraa buqqa’anii godaanuu cufuuf ture. Oromoon mirga qe’eesaa keessa jiraachuu akka qabaatu gonfachiisuun, abbaan biyyuummaa Oromoo akka kabajamu labsee ture. Dhimmi hiree ofii ofiin murteeffachuu fi mirga abbaa biyyummaa kun bakka hundatti deebii argatee cufamee Finfinneettii utuu hincufamani hafe.

Dhimmi Finfinnee fedhii fi faayidaa Oromoo karaa calaqqisuu qofaan deemu akka qabu herri mootummaa keenya ifatti kaa’ee jira. Rakkoo gama mirga heera mootummaa irratti kaa’ame hojiitti hiikuu dadhabuudhaan walqabatee jiru furuuf qaama biraa kamitiyyuu quba qabuun hindanda’amu. Hundaa ol rakkoon kan hoggansa keenyati. Rakkinichi mirga heerri mootummaa nugonfachiise bilchinaa fi karaa tarsiimawaa ta’een sirnaan oggannee hojiitti hiikuu dadhabuurraa madda. Kanaafuu gama kanaan dhimmota sirreeffachuu qabnu hedduutu jira.

Gama kanaan dhimmi sirraa’uu qabuinni tokkffaan Finfinne akka naannoo of dandeesse tokkootti ilaaluudha. Ilaalchi kun dogoggora waan ta’eef sirraa’uu qaba. Finfinneen qaama Oromiyaati. Mirgi hiree ofii ofiin murteeffachuu Finfinnee daangaa seeraa Oromiyaa keessatti akka ilaalamuu beekuun murteessadha. Dhimmi lammaffaan sirraa’uu qabu akka sabaatti Finfinnee keessa gallee jiraachuu, hojjechuu fi daldaluu soodaachuudha. Ilaalchi Finfinnee keessaa baqachuu, Finfinnee keesatti hoojatanii argachuu sodaachuu jijjiiramuu qaba. Sadaffaa Aadaa fi duudhaa Oromoo dagaagsuuf namni biraa akka nuuf hojjetu barbaadna. Ilaalchi akkasii dogogoradha. Eenyuummmaan Oromoo akka hundee gadi fageeffatu godhuun dirqama hunda keenyaati. Yeroo ammaa kana jiraattota magaalaa Finfinnee keessaa %30 Oromoota akka ta’an ragaaleen ni mul’isu. Ta’us maagaalicha keessatti dhimma sabboonummaa Oromoo irratti waan hinhojjetamneef magaalatii keessa Oromon waan keessa jiraatuyyuu hinfakkaatu. Magaalattii keessatti sabboonummaan Oromoo sadarkaa dhabamuu irra gahee jira. Oromoon gahee abbaa biyyummaasaa akka mirkaneessu sabboonummaa dagaagsuun murteessdha.

Dhimmi sadaffaan caasaan Dh.D.U.O sadarkaa magaalaa irraa kaasee hanga gadiitti hoggansa magaalaa Finfinnee keessa jiru miira abbaa biyyummaa cimaadhaan Oromummaa Finfinnee keessatti cabe iddootti deebisuuf sadarkaa barbaadamutti qabsaa’uu dadhabuu dha. .Hoggansi sadarkaadhaan jiru kuni miira abbaa biyyumaatiin hoggansa tarsiimawaa fi gahumsa qabu kennuudhaan fayyadamummaa ummata keenyaa mirkaneesuun walqabatee hanqinootni mul’atan gara fuula duraatto sirraa’uu qabu.

Dhimmi afraffaan caasaa Godina Addaa waliin kan walqabatudha. Godinni Addaa Oromiyaa Naannawaa Finfiinee walitti hidhamiinsa diinagdee fi hawaasummaa ummatni Oromoo magaalaa Finfinnee waliin qabdu cimsuuf Oromummaa Finfinnee keessatti cabee ture bakkatti deebisuuf sochii godhamu akka tumsu yaadameeti hundaa’e. Ta’us rakkoo gahumsa hoggansaa fi rakkina walxaxaa kiraa sassaabdummaa lafaa irraa kan ka’e GAONF ergama walitti hidhamiinsa Oromoo fi magaalaa Finfinnee cimsuuf isaaf kennamee sadarkaa barbaadametti raawwachauu hindandeenye. Turtii hanga ammaatti GAONF fi Finfinnee gidduu daangaa bulchiinsaa kaawwachuu dadhabuun, ijaarsa addaa adda bulchiinsa magaalaa Finfinnettin daangaa GAONF keessatti raawwatamu callisanii ilaaluun, hanqinoota gama kanaan jiranis ifatti baasanii dubbachuu dadhabuun gara fuula duraatti dhimmoota sirraa’uu qabanidha.

In Unison, We can Beat Them! Tullu Liban

Lemma Megerssa’s team scored another point for itself and the Oromia nation for suspending the mockery conference scheduled to take place in Dire Dawa last Sunday.  This team is, in fact, persuasively attacking the TPLF camp in the political field albeit the lack of capacity to overcome the fattened military and intelligence apparatus, as things stand now. The current OPDO leadership has taken admirable steps recently to prove itself that it can take the responsibility of nation-leading and that it can take that country to a better position provided they can keep the momentum.
Some of these steps are countable and visible from the political point of view. For instance, TPLF-Abdi Illey forces waged unprecedented war on Oromia and killed thousands, evicted over half a million people and jailed thousands of Oromos. Their plan was obvious. The TPLFtes wanted an equal reaction from the Oromo side to justify their importance as offset guards. The OPOD leadership foiled that dangerous calculation of TPLF by calming the matter down and guaranteeing Somali brothers complete surety for their safety. Another important milestone is the delegation of Oromia youth in Tana Lake weed removal, a symbolic partnership with Amhara brothers and the subsequent Lemma-Geddu delegate joint conference that took place in Bahirdar city. It bears a significant meaning for OPDO political height and the future of that country, indeed. Another noteworthy point is the decision that OPDO assembly passed regarding the reassignment of Oromo freshman students in higher institutions. This decision made OPDO credible to defend Oromo causes compared with their previous stance on issues of concern. The reversion they made on new Qube alphabet order, the suspension of the bill on Oromia special interest on Finfinnee, the peaceful celebration of Irrecha in absence of official representative from government etc. have elevated OPDO sharply from docile and inept position to a wiser leadership status.
I am not that naïve to shower OPDO with praise, but I believe we need to be fair to appreciate them where we owe it. We expect more action and delivery. The more they deliver, the better they build trust and confidence. When they fail to live up to expectations, we criticize them and they will lose because we are not yet fully convinced to trust them.
In fact, there are complex issues in that country, which have been overdue from the very start of the formation of the empire and those which have been exacerbated after the coming to power of the TPLF regime. It may not be possible for OPDO to address all of them right way. However, when it comes to the things that are in their jurisdiction, it is not only the matter of moral responsibility for them to stand to issues that negatively affect the Oromo, but also a fact of survival for them as a political entity.
Such is the decision they made about Oromo students’ placement in the higher institution, the rejection of a camouflage “reconciliation conference” in Dire Dawa and other unforeseen dramas that the TPLF would stage to halt Oromo revolution for change.
Another concern may arise sooner or later. For instance, the OPDO leadership may be pushed to “reinstate” Oromo victims of displacement in Somali region, Abdi Illey and his crew being intact. I am sure the OPDO leadership will never make a mistake to send back the victims unless things are fundamentally changed and all the criminals of war and genocide are held accountable for the atrocities they committed.
To sum up, it is a good step that OPDO leadership rejected the Dire Dawa sham conference. Though it is not good to be in a defense position in the political intrigue, it is still important to defend offensives cleverly. TPLF tried to trap OPDO to a loser position by pretending to settle their crimes through an organized dram called “courtreconciliation”. OPDO hit it back and the ball is till rolling to the TPLF net.
Yet, Lemma and his team should play in an offensive position as they have already started it with ANDM, and they have to push forward in bringing on board Oromo communities as well. Steps such as bonding Wolloo, Graba and many other communities together with their Oromo kin is very essential. Such a move has to be intensified in bringing on board Oromo communities such as the Garii, Wonbara, and Raya Oromos too. In the same token, amicable relations with other peoples in the south and in the north should be maximized as much as possible. In unison, we shall beat TPLFtes. Keep moving.

The current Political Quagmire in ETHiopia

Wond Wossen

Here is how I read the current political quagmire in the country.
TPLF and OPDO are locked in a very dangerous power struggle. The new OPDO leadership demands a greater share of federal power that is commensurate with the size of the population it “represents”. TPLF insists on maintaining its undue monopoly of federal power.
TPLF controls key federal institutions including the army, the security, media institutions, and telecom and transport infrastructure. The new OPDO leadership has the upper hand in the Oromia regional state. The region’s key institutions, including the regional parliament, the media, the police force, the civil service, the population at large, and even Diaspora “opposition groups” all seem to stand behind the new leadership. The new leadership is exploiting its regional hegemony, and the support it enjoys from the population––a population that is particularly bitter about the TPLF––to break TPLF’s dominance.
ANDM, the least legitimate of the EPRDF parties on account of its deep legitimacy crisis among the Amhara, is following events quietly, perhaps calculating which side to favor when push comes to shove. There is no clear indication yet which side it will take, although I suspect eventually it would favor the victor. After all, ANDM’s history is a history of obedience and servitude. As such, neither TPLF nor OPDO could count on ANDM, apriori, in their ongoing power struggle.
In the meantime, TPLF is using the long arm of the federal government to unsettle the new OPDO leadership. Although exaggerated to an extent, reports of TPLF agents trying to instigate violence in parts of Oromia cannot be discounted altogether. Violence in Oromia is in TPLF’s best interest. First, violence, especially when it assumes an ethnic character, helps to stain the Oromo struggle in the eyes of other Ethiopians and discredit the new OPDO leadership. Second, it creates the perfect excuse for TPLF to unleash its army against peaceful protesters, and show who is really in charge (just as it did in Ambo few days ago!), putting OPDO and its nationalistic rhetoric in a precarious position. The population would start to question OPDO’s resolve to stand up to TPLF.
In retaliation to TPLF’s continued menace, OPDO deploys its regional security establishment to target TPLF’s involvement in illegal activities, including contraband trade, illicit financial flow, and abuses by TPLF affiliated businesses and investors. To amplify their propaganda value, OPDO justifies and propagates these measures using its regional media wing and online activists. Angered by the exposition of their criminality, TPLFites retaliate by taking violent measures that impair OPDO’s standing among the Oromo, and other Ethiopians.
Although in theory, TPLF could still mass arrest OPDO’s new leadership and replace them by puppets, such a dramatic measure could backfire in more ways than one. First, it will seriously undermine the already tattering image of the EPRDF in the eyes of both its members and the public. Especially, non-TPLF members could lose confidence in the party. Second, OPDO’s new leadership might resist arrest and deploy the regional police force to defend itself, thus setting off a dangerous military standoff between the two parties. Finally, given the support they enjoy from the population, the arrest of OPDO’s leadership might provoke a whirlpool of violent protests across the region, further eroding TPLF’s control of the country.
Essentially, therefore, the two parties are locked in a perpetual power struggle. At present, none seems to have the critical upper hand to win the battle definitively. To make matters worse, EPRDF does not seem to have a proper mechanism of resolving such inter-party hostilities. The PM recently gave hints at some sort of negotiation is taking place to sway Aba Dulla to revisit his recent resignation from his post as Speaker of the House. If true, the negotiation is unlikely to be confined to Aba Dulla’s return to his post. It will also likely address the hostility between OPDO and TPLF. Whether this effort will bear fruit and relations between the two parties could return to normality (what normality entails in this context itself is very problematic) remains to be seen.
In the meantime, the power politics between TPLF and OPDO is increasingly harming the average citizen. As we have repeatedly witnessed in the past months, the power struggle is expressing itself, at the local level, in the form of ethnic attacks, mass evictions, and extrajudicial killings of defenseless civilians. The preponderance of violence across the country is instilling a feeling of lawlessness and fear among the population. Moreover, regardless of who comes out of the power struggle victorious, the prospect of democratizing the country is very narrow. There is very little ideological difference between TPLF, OPDO and ANDM. They all are advocates of revolutionary democracy and ethnic federalism. Replacing one’s dominance by the other will not answer our longstanding quest for democracy and rule of law.
The solution lies in a genuine and inclusive dialogue with all political parties, both inside and outside the country, and charting a lasting political roadmap that can pull the country from the current quagmire and put it on the path of democracy and stability. Anything short of genuine democratic reform at this time will only lead to perpetual violence, destruction and the inevitable disintegration of the country into smaller pieces.

OPDO on Crossroads: What Comes Next?

Tullu Libban

It is a public knowledge that Oromia has been fully under the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) control over the last 26 years, in a camouflage of Ethiopian Peoples’ Democratic Front (EPRDF). In the EPRDF coalition, OPDO has served only TPLF as a tool to cash Oromia. There has no time when OPDO acted as a responsible party to represent the Oromo people because the system never wanted OPDO to play an active role in the entire tenure of EPRDF regime. We don’t need to go into the details of why TPLF created OPDO and why it kept it truncated for so long time. It seems, now the time has changed.
At this moment, it is a question whether TPLF can maintain its control over OPDO, by extension on Oromia, given the dynamics taking place in the political arena in the Ethiopian empire. It is less likely that TPLF could use OPDO as a manipulative political object anymore. In the recent months, OPDO has shown bold resistance towards the humiliating master-slave relationship it has undergone over a quarter a century.
The question is yet, how far this resistance can last and what will be the end result. For both TPLF and OPDO (the father and the child) the Oromo struggle posed undesired challenges. Can TPLF control Oromia without OPDO? Or can OPDO survive without TPLF? No for the father; yes for the child, in my opinion. Therefore, I guess, TPLF must have gone a mile ahead to prepare a plan on how to handle OPDO and maintain its lust for power and control for resources in Oromia. How about OPDO? Does it have any strategy on how to escape being swallowed by the yawing beast (TPLF)?
I believe, OPDO cannot continue to rule Oromia, (at least theatrically), providing a liaising service for TPLF against the interest of the Oromo people. Certainly, TPLF will never enjoy that cheap service from OPDO in the years ahead. However, there will be a lot of headache for the current leadership of OPDO to continue standing up to TPLF’s arrogance. TPLF will try its best to bring to power loyalists from within the OPDO to the higher echelon by removing the current populist figures like Lemma Megerssa, Abiy Ahmed, Addisu Arega, Worqineh Gebeyou etc.
What can TPLF do?
Assumption and scenarios
1. Engaging OPDO in routine rings: TPLF will continue to keep the current leadership busy (creating conflicts here and there, inciting uprisings in schools, industries, neighborhoods, encouraging havoc in Oromia). Then popular demands would remain unanswered in the region, development activities would be halted and resentments escalate to blame the current leadership.
2. Infiltration and sellouts: TPLF may prepare splinters, buy some betrayers to divide OPDO and manipulate internal strife to weaken the emerging force from the OPDO camp
3. Self-criticism and Confession (Gimgema): One of the instruments that TPLF deploys to tame its surrogates and control them with chains on the neck is the so-called gimgama. The masters stuff their subordinates in a hall and demand them to make confessions about perceived or committed “crimes”. The confession session may take a month or a couple of months. There is a character assassination camp known as EPRDF Training Center led by Addisu Legesse, Abay Tsegaye etc. and all top-level officials from all regions and federal government agencies are required to participate in the “training” at least for 2-3 months. Core TPLF circle reps “evaluate” each one of their prey and make a decision about whether the prey would go back to their position or fired and jailed.
4. Democratic Centralism: TPLF has effectively utilized the Stalinist method of democratic centralism, which allows dictators to impose their hegemony on party members, where members have no voice, right and choice to reject whatever percolates from above. They are expected to endorse whatever a small circle in the highest leadership decides. That is the kind of “democracy” in place even in the TPLF rubberstamp parliament, where laws are unanimously enacted without any objection or abstention. Therefore, OPDO members are required to heed to this practice and they would lose ground to hold an independent position on matters affecting their interest and that of the people they represent.
5. Marginalizing OPDO in the EPRDF: The formidable force to challenge TPLF at this moment is OPDO. Recent developments that brought about the alliance of the Oromo people with OPDO is a big blow to TPLF’s governance model. Therefore, TPLF would try its level best to mobilize ANDM and SEPDM against OPDO in a bid to diminish OPDO’s role in decision making on matters of national interest and that of the Oromia region. That would make matters difficult for the OPDO leadership to keep its public promises and pledges.

What should OPDO do then?
I would like to recommend the following points for OPDO to keep the momentum, ensure its relevance, credibility and very survival.
1. Stick to your motto of “Our people, our masters”, depend entirely on the Oromo people and listen to them attentively. Consult with Oromo intellectuals, pause and think over your plans before putting them into actions. That will spare you from committing ridiculous mistakes like erecting a thoughtless monument for Irrecha massacre martyrs and preparing a useless document for Oromia special interest over Finfinnee.
2. Act collectively and ensure profound bond among your members from top to down and stand together. Never let betrayers work against you and the interest of the Oromo people
3. Denounce the labeling of Oromo children as narrow nationalists and terrorists, as you are well aware of why these demeaning terms are used against the self-conscious and self-respecting Oromos
4. Get rid of the so-called democratic centralism and developmental government theories because both are unconstitutional party tools to restrict your free thoughts, actions and decisions
5. Say no to TPLF “gimgema” which is conducted in a master-servant relation manner. Why do Bereket, Abay, Addisu, Debretsion etc. gauge you and decide your fate, course of action and political life. Reverse this practice upside down and criticize them and make them accountable for the atrocities, corruptions, and vandalism in the country.
6. Say no to EPRDF rules and regulations, which are mainly developed by the late Meles Zenawi to serve the interest of TPLF dwarfing OPDO’s role and thereby that of the Oromo people in the political realm
7. Demand to have fair and proportional representation in the EPRDF executive committee and its council as well as in the Federation Council etc. so that you can influence decisions and discussions as per the contribution of Oromia to the national economy and well-being.
8. Calculate what Oromia would lose if OPDO is not part of EPRDF (for instance is there any benefit for Oromia to be in EPRDF coalition better than Gambella or Afar?). Withdrawal from EPRDF is a possibility without, withdrawing from the federation.
In conclusion, if OPDO remains to be controlled by the same tools designed by TPLF and abides by the unfair laws unchanged, it will never achieve any remarkable success. There is no a level playing field. The rules of the game are prepared by TPLF. Therefore, to play on the field where TPLF is both a player and a referee, OPDO will continue to be a loser. It will be trapped in the same vicious circle and remain to host the parasitic TPLF being consumed, of course, letting the Oromo people down as usual.

ይድረስ ለኦህዴድ መሪዎች!

Tullu Liban

ትንሽ ወንድማዊ ምክር እንድለግሳችሁ ፍቀዱልኝ። ላለፉት 26 ዓመታት ያሳለፋችሁት የባርነት ዘመን ሕሊና ላለው ሰው እጅግ የሚሰቀጥጥ ነው። በሌላችሁ ስልጣን ስልጣን እንዳላችሁ፣ በሌላችሁ ክብር ክብር እንዳላችሁ፣ ባልተሳተፋችሁበት ትግል እንደታገላችሁ ተነግሯችሁ፣ ጄኔራል ሳትሆኑ ጄኔራል ተብላችሁ፣አምባሳደር ሳትሆኑ አምባሳደር ተብላችሁ፣ መሪ ሳትሆኑ ፕሬዚዳንት ተብላችሁ፣ ሳትማሩ ድግሪ ተሰጥቷችሁ ለወያኔ መጫወቻ አሻጉገሊት ሆናችሁ ኖራችኋል። ወያኔ ከአባታችሁ ቤት በአካፋ እየዛቀ ሲዘርፍ እናንተ በማንኪያ ትንሽ ብትሰርቁ ሙስና ሰርታችኋል ብሎ እያሸማቀቃችሁ ጥባጥቤ ተጫውቶባችኋል። ወያኔዎች ሰማይ ጠቀስ ፎቅ እየሠሩ እናንተ መጠነኛ መኖሪያ ቤት ስትሠሩ በግምገማ እሳት ላይ ጥደውአችኋል። መቼም ህሊናችሁንም የኦሮሞንም ህዝብ መዋሸት አትችሉም። በየትኛውም መስሪያቤት አንድ ቀጭን ትግሬ ካለ የቱንም ያህል እውቀት ቢኖራችሁ፣ የቱንም ያህል በሥልጣን ተዋረድ የባላይ ብትሆኑ ውሳኔ ሰጭው ትግሬው እንደሆነ ታውቃላችሁ። ይህን የበታችነት ደረጃ አሜን ብላችሁ ይህን ውርደት ተሸክማችሁ ሩብ ምዕተ ዓመት ኖራችኋል። መቼም ሕሊና ላለው ሰው ይሄ ያማል።

የትልቅ ህዝብ ተወካይ ነኝ የሚል ሰው በአባልባሌ ተራ ማይም ትግሬ ሲናቅና እንደ አሽከር ሲላላክ ያማል። ጥሩ ለብሳችሁ አጊጣችሁ ይሆናል። ጥሩ መኪና ነድታችሁ ይሆናል። ጥሩ መኖሪያ ቤት ገንብታችሁ ይሆናል። ዳሩ ምን ያደርጋል ይህ ሁሉ እርግማን ይሆንባችኋል። ባዶነታችሁን ያሳበቅባችኋል። የደም ሀብት ነው። አላፊ አዱኛ ነው። ይህ ሁሉ ሆኖ አሁን የነጻነት ጎህ የቀደደ ይመስላል። ዕድሜ ለኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ትግል እናንተም ነጻ የምትወጡበት ጊዜ ሩቅ አይሆንም። አደራችሁን ካሁን በኋላ በኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ትግል ፊት እንዳትቆሙ። እናንተ ስላተዋረዳችሁት፣ ራሳችሁም አንሳችሁ ስላሳነሳችሁት፣ አልባሌ ሆናችሁ በአልባሌ ቡድን ስላስጠቃችሁት እንጂ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከኦነግ ጋር አልቆረበም። ኦነግ የኦሮሞን ህዝብ የልብ ትርታ ስላወቀ ጥያቄዎቹን ጥያቄው ስላደረገ ነው መንፈስ ሆኖ የቀጠለው።ኦህዴድ ነኝ ማለት የሚያሳፍራችሁ የሠራችሁት ነውር ስራ አፍ አውጥቶ ስለሚናገር ነው። ኦነግ መባል በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ዘንድ ያስብከር እንደሆን እንጂ አፍሳሮ አያውቅም። እናንተው የገደላችኋቸው አንድ የመንዲ አዛውንት ያሉትን ልንገገራችሁ። የናንተው ነፍሰ ገዳዮች ያዟቸውና “እርስዎ ምግብ እያመላለሱ ኦነግን ጫካ ውስጥ ይቀልባሉ ” አሏቸው። ቆፍጣናው አባትም “እውነት ነው ለአንበሶቹ ስንቅ አመላልሳለሁ። ውሻ ግን አልቀልብም። እስቲ ውሻ ሆነህ ለጌቶችህ እመንደር ውስጥ ከምታድነኝ አንበሳ ሁንና ጫካ ግባ እንደማልቀልብህ ታያለህ” አሏቸው። ግን ውሾቹ በሏቸው።

ኦነግ ኖረም አልኖረ የኦሮሞን የሀገር ባለቤትነት፣ የሥልጣን ባለቤትነት፣ ሰላምና ብልጽግና ለማስመለስ የተጋ ሁሉ ክብርና ሞገስ አለው። አሁን በመጨረሻ ሰዓትም ቢሆን ይህ ዕድል እንዳያመልጣችሁ። የፈሪ ሞት ሳይሆን የጀግና ሞት ሙቱ። ለዓመት በዓል ዋዜማ ዶር አብይ አህመድ አንድ ልብ የሚነካ ንግግር አድርጎ ነበር። “ሁላችንም እንሞታለን ሞት አይቀርምና”ነው ያለው ባልሳሳት። አዎን ሞት አይቀርም። ጄኔራል ታደሰ ብሩ ከናንተ የተሻለ ሀብት፣ ማዕረግ፣ ክብርና ሞገስ ነበራቸው። ከወገናቸው ክብር ግን አልበለጠባቸውም። ብዙዎቹ በእስር ቤት የሚማቅቁት፣ የሞቱት እና የተሰዱደት እንናንተ የምኖሩትን ኑሮ ቢፈልጉ ኖሮ በሩ ሰፊ ነበር። እስቲ አሁን ለሕሊና መኖር ጀምሩ። እናንተ ማገር ሆናችሁ ባትይዙት ግድግዳ ሆናችሁ ባትደግፉት እኮ እንኳን በላያችሁ ላይ ጥሬ አሩን ሊያራና ወያኔ ወይ ተጠራርጎ ከኦሮሚ ይወጣል ወይ በናንተ ተርም ቀጥ ብሎ ይኖራል። መንገዱ እኮ ቀላል ነው። እናንተ በፌዴራል ምክር ቤት 190 መቀመጫ አላችሁ። በኦሮሚያ ጉዳይ ላይ ያለ ፍርሃት ድምጻችሁን አውጥታችሁ ተከራከሩ። ኦሮሚያን የሚጎዳ ውሳኔ ሊተላለፍ ሲል በድምጻችሁ ውድቅ አድርጉት። የማይስማማችሁ አሠራር ሲኖር ከፌዴራል ሥርዓቱ ለመውጣት እንደምትገደዱ ለሕዝባችሁ በግልጽ ተናገሩ።

የኦሮሚያ ምክር ቤት በምትሉት ስብሰባ በክልላችሁ ጉዳይ ማንንም ሳታስፈቅዱ ውሳኔ ስጡ። ለወያኔ ይህ የኛ ጉዳይ ነው በሉት። ምን ሲሆን ነው የትሬው አፍሮ ጽዮን የናንተን የባህል ማዕከልና ጽ/ቤት የሚገነባው? ለዚያውም ከደረጃ በታች፤ ከውሉ ውጭ። ኦሮሚያ ዲዛይነርናኮንትራክተር የለውም? ለምንድነው የኦሮሚያ ውሃ ስራዎች ድርጅት ስራ ፈቶ እያለ በኦሮሚያ ውስጥ የሚሠሩ የውሃ ልማት ሥራዎች ለትሬው ሳባ ኮንስትክራሽን የሚሰጡት? እስከ መቼ ነው የመከላከያ ጃኔራሎች ስብጥር 99 ከመቶ በትግሬ የሚያዘው? እስከ መቼ ነው የደህንነት መስሪያቤቱ በትግሬ የሚዘወረው? እስከ መቼ ነው ቁልፍ የፏይናንስ ተቋማቱና ትልልቅ ካፒታል አንመጭ ተቋማት ለምሳሌ የኢትዮጵያ አየር መንገድ፣ ቴሌሙንኬሽን፣ ጉምሩክ፣ የኢትዬጵያ መንገዶች ባለሥልጣን ወዘተ የትግሬ የግል ንብረት የሚሆኑት? መቼ ነው ትልልቅ ካምኒዎች የአላሙድ የወርቅ ማምረቻ ጭምር ለኦሮሚያ ግብር የሚከፍሉት? ኦህዴዶች፤ ወይ መሆን ነው ወይ አለመሆን ነው ምርጫችሁ። የፊንፊኔ ጉዳይና የአፋን ኦሮሞ ጉዳይ ገና ጊዜ የማይሰጠው የቤት ሥራ ነው። የህዝባችንን መፈናቀልና ጥቃት ያስከተለው የድንበር ጉዳይ የምትተኙበት የቤት ሥራ አይደለም። አሁኑኑ እልባት ማግኘት አለበት 26 ዓትመ ሙሉ ስትተኙ ከርማችሁ አሁን ማጣፊያ ሊያጥራችሁ ነው። መቼም ታረጉታላሁ ብለን አይደለም። ትልቅ የበታችነት የሥነ ልቦና በሽታ አለባችሁና። ከሰማችሁ ስሙ ህዝባችንን አስታቁት እንጂ ትጥቁን አታስፈቱት። አዲስ አብባ ያለ ትግሬ ሳይርቀ በነፍስ ወከፍ እየታጠቀ ኦሮሞ በራሱ ገንዘብ የገዛውን ትጥቅ ለምንድነው የሚፈታው። ስሙማ በደርግ ጊዜም ቢሆን ትጥቁን እንዲፈታ የተገደደው የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ብቻ ነው። ጁነዲ ሳዶ በሥልጣን ዘመኑ ከ200 ሽህ ህዝብ በላይ ትጥቅ በስማፈታት ታሪክ ይቅር የማይለው ስህተት ሠርቷል። ዛሬ ህዝባችን ለአብዲ ኢሌ ጥቃት የተጋለጠው ትጥቅ ስለሌለው ነው።
እኔ ልምከራችሁ ወያኔ ጠፍሮ የሚያስራችሁ አብዮታዊ ዲሞክራሲ፣ ዲሞክሲዊ ማዕከላዊትነና ግምገማ በሚባሉ የታወቁ ገመዶቹ ነው። በዚህ ጠልፎ ይጥላችኋል። ይህንን በቃን በሉት። እናንተ አትገመግሙንም በሏቸው።ዴሞራሲያዊ ማእከላዊነት የሚባለውን ሰውን እንደ ግዑዝ የፓርቲ ቁሳቁስ የሚቆጥረውን የሶሸሊስት አስተሳሰብ ከዛሬ ጀምሮ በቃን በሏቸው። በኢህአዲግ ማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴና በሥራ አስፈጻሚ ኮሚቴው ውክልናችሁ በምትወክሉት ህዝብ መጠን እንዲሆን ተከራሩና አስወስኑ። ይህን ለማድረግ ከወሰናችሁ ህዝባችሁ ከጎናችሁ አለ። ይህን ካላደረጋችሁ የተለመደ የተላላኪነት ሥራችሁን እየሠራችሁ ህዝባዊ ማዕበሉ ጠራርጎ ይወስዳችኋል። አሟሟታችሁም የውሻ ሞት ይሆናል። ፍጠኑ ጊዜ የላችሁም። ጨረስኩ። ልቦና ይስጣችሁ።

 

 

Imperfections, Yes! Retreat, No! An Interesting Note by Tsegaye Ararsa About Jawar Mohammed.

You can hate him passionately. In deed, it is evident that, while his supporters love him with passion, his detractors hate him with an equivalent or more passion. Hate him, you may. But you can’t ignore him. If you are an observer of the Oromo and/or Ethiopian political developments, what you can’t do is to ignore Jawar S. Mohammed.

Having survived the most stringent of public scrutiny (virtually living his life in front of the relentless gaze of the media), Jawar Mohammed remains to be the one person in the Oromo and/or Ethiopian public life who continues to ignite and sustain the (political) passion of the youth in Ethiopia today, especially among the Oromo.

Jawar loves taking risks. His courage to take risks and to thrive in their midst, unusual as it is for most politically engaged personalities from Ethiopia, makes him rather uncommon. In taking risks, he also commits himself to the possibility of making mistakes. He may make mistakes and may do so rather frequently. In fact, he does make mistakes. (Who doesn’t?) He may be excoriated for his mistakes (sometimes fairly, sometimes unfairly). He may even be emotionally bruised at times (when the criticism goes to the extent of disfiguring him, his cause, or even his family). But what you don’t find Jawar doing is a retreat.

What he can’t do is retreat in the face of opposition. Every day, he seems to be pushing and pushing and pushing himself to achieve something for his people. Achieve, he did. Perhaps, his achievements of the last five years alone are too numerous to recount on this platform.

As a fellow traveler on this journey (and as a compatriot and a friend), I ‘see’ Jawar at work every day. Beyond the daily routine, I see him as someone who tries to contribute his bit to the Oromo struggle for emancipation and to leave a mark on his people’s inexorable journey to victory. As we can all see, he has already made what is arguably the most important contribution to the resistance movement of recent years (eg, #OromoFirst#OMN#OromoProtets,#GrandOromoRally#OromoRevolution #OLC#LagannaaGabaa, etc, etc). The unprecedented successes of boycotts of the last few weeks and the ongoing stay-at-home protests are in part the result of his work on and offline, on social and conventional media outlets. That is why he is a phenomenon in the Oromo and/or Ethiopian politics of recent years. Yes, it is tough to be him and to not make mistakes. But there is no gainsaying that he is quite a presence, a force to reckon with. It comes as no surprise that the regime in Ethiopia seeks to make him one of the victims of its legal violence by prosecuting him, in absentia, “for inciting terrorism.”

To those who love to hate Jawar as a proxy for what he represents and stands for (as an Oromo), I would like to say, he is one of the best things that happened to Oromos, Ethiopians, and their politics. Yes, even to his detractors, he is the best thing that happened to them, albeit they don’t even know it. In this, he is like the entirety of the Oromo nation, which–even at its worst–is the best thing that “happened” to Ethiopia, although Ethiopia didn’t know it.

Why are the Oromo People Protesting again? 

The Oromo people are protesting again:

1) To defend and protect their children and their leaders from the attack, arrest, and killings by the Ethiopian government security forces,

2) To protect their land from Addis Ababa based and foreign land grabbers and land thieves, and take back their land from these land grabbers,

3) To force the Ethiopian government to make Afaan Oromo the working language of the federal government to end the political, economic and social exclusion of the Oromo people in Ethiopia,

4) To force the Ethiopian government restore the status of unlawfully separated and stolen Oromia cities including Addis Ababa, Dire Dawa, Harar and Moyale under the Oromia National Regional Administration,

5) To force the Ethiopian government to accept the self-administration rights of the Oromo people by ending the current indirect rule of TPLF/EPRDF in Oromia,

6) To force the Ethiopian government to accept the legitimate rights of the Oromo people to have their fair power and resources share in the federal government, and

7) Last but not least, the Oromo people are protesting to force the Ethiopian government to immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners including Dr. Merera Gudina, Mr. Bekele Gerba and Mr. Yonatan Tesfaye.

Over the last two years of the #OromoProtests, Ethiopian government did nothing to address any of the demands of the Oromo people. This is a very serious mistake on the part of the regime that prefers to despise and belittle the civilized power of the Oromo people.

Ethiopia will descend into chaos and instability if the Ethiopian government continue giving blind eyes and deaf ears to the demands of the people.

All Ethiopia’s development and security partners who observe the civilized and non-violent demands of the Oromo people must advise and pressure this unresponsive government to address each and every demand of the Oromo people.

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