The Fight will continue as Finfinnee/Addis Abeba Renews its Violent Stance

By Tullu Liban

It is unfortunate that our mind is preoccupied now and then with TPLF generated ridicules. It seems we are yet to be overwhelmed much by such anecdotes. However, incumbent on us to fight it back. Intrigues after intrigues are designed by the regime to constrict its grip on our fate, though we can’t afford to concede, no matter what it takes.

A month ago, authorities in Finfinnee dispatched a draft document meant to provide for a “Special Interest of Oromia over Finfinnee”( to check the heartbeat of our people?). When they learned, they were bombarded with a storm of criticism, they denied that they were the source of the document. OPDOs could have benefited from the discussions Oromo intellectuals made if they were smart enough. Their failure to stand up to this very perilous draft act is a litmus paper for OPDOs to prove whether their true masters are the Oromo people or the TPLF oligarchies.
Having said so, let’s look at the so-called draft law. Even though a comprehensive account of the so-called “Special Interest” proclamation is yet to emerge, summary of the draft law has already been presented in the statement of the Council of Ministers and the points raised here are based on the statement released to the media. The following fundamental points are clear indicators that the said draft law is useless and unacceptable as far as Oromia interest over Finfinnee is concerned.
1. Finfinnee is a legitimate land of Oromia; thus, it should be solely or jointly governed by the Oromia state. This enables Oromia to design and execute whatever comes thereof as its benefit. There is no mention of this crucial point.
2. Oromia should get a share from revenues generated from its land. The draft law doesn’t guarantee this essential right.
3. From the very outset, the draft proclamation presupposes that eviction of Oromo farmers will continue under a pretext of development. Who will define the so-called development? Is investment synonymous with development? Why the farmers can’t be shareholders in the investment ventures as providers of the major component for investment-their land? Who are the developers after all? Settler Evictors? When and where does Finfinnee stop growing horizontally? Why does it still yawn to swallow the surrounding farm lands?
4. Where is the demarcation between Finfinnee and Oromia? How can the two administrations talk about delimiting their territories when the law fails to provide for border delimitation?
5. Finfinnee is surrounded by Oromia farmlands. Therefore, it should stop damping garbage on Oromo land and polluting blood vein water sources of the Oromo farmers. The so-called draft law, envisages to continue with this sore practice albeit containing calming verbose. Who decides, what when how and where to dispose Finfinnee waste? Due to these 5 main reasons among others, the draft law is distasteful and trash.
Unless theses fundamental questions are answered, there will be no Oromia interest is served in Finfinnee and the deadlock will continue between Oromia and the capital city. The fight will not stop and it will be hardly possible for the capital city to uphold its violent, expansionist, exclusionist and segregationist bearing on the Oromo people under the guise of “Oromia’s Special Interest”. The so-called draft law is offensive and problematic instead of a solution.
These questions in mind, let us yet raise few points to reveal other shortfalls. We will challenge the draft law both in its substantive values and implications.
Some issues in the “Social Service” paragraphs in the statement
a. According to the statement of Council of Ministers, Finfinnee administration will arrange primary schools for farmers in Finfinnee and citizens who want their children to learn in Afan Oromo.
• Are there farmers in the city currently or the Finfinnee is planning to annex Oromo farming lands?
• Why Afan Oromo is limited to elementary schools? What if parents or students want Afan Oromo beyond elementary classes?

b. The statement pronounces that Finfinnee will consider Oromo natives in its hospital service plan. What does it mean? Oromos are not getting health services in hospitals in Finfinnee now? In what sense, does Finfinnee plan hospitals for Oromos? Will it be a discount of service fee? Will Finfinnee assign Afan Oromo speaking health professionals? Will it allocate additional resources for Oromo farmers? We will see it.
c. Here is another funny clause in the statement “Oromia Special Zone is established around Finfinnee to tailor services”. Is this not wired? We know for sure that the Finfinnee Environ Special Zone has been in place since 2006. In what terms the Special Zone could serve a special interest of Oromia now?
d. Another baffling phrase reads “to provide services for Oromo nationals who use their language, Afan Oromo will serve as a working language of the city”.
e. This is a very elusive and deceptive statement. When examined carefully, this statement doesn’t present Afan Oromo as a working language of the city. The language is used only when Oromos are interested to get service in their language. This is simply a translation service, may be in court and hospital settings. It is normally limited to official services. The service wouldn’t include transactions in a public sphere. The working language of the city, continues to be Amharic. The statement doesn’t indicate that Afan Oromo will be a parallel working language alongside Amharic. If Afan Oromo becomes the second language of the city, there will be a lot of changes. For instance, signboards throughout the city, bus and taxi tags, formal speeches in the city administration, city government parliament working language, documents, etc. must be presented Afan Oromo together with Amharic. Afan Oromo speaking personnel should be in public service in key sectors like transport, banks, market centers, malls, and city government institutions. Unfortunately, that is not the spirit of the draft law. It is about simple translation service for Oromos who don’t communicate in Amharic. That a thinly service. It serves no special interest. Shame on OPDO braggadocios who open their wide mouth as if Afan Oromo has become the language of the city. They believe so may be out of ignorance, because they seem to understand little of the illusions they live in.
f. Moreover, we heard that foot prints that reflect Oromo identity and historical events, memorials, roundabouts, avenues and neighborhood names will bear Oromo identity “as deems necessary”. Who will decide the necessity of these stuff then? Who will decide where and when the said provisions be executed? Who will monitor the implementation? In fact, this is a mask, empty mask. There are several such laws, regulations, and directives that are on shelf for years because making a law is not an end by itself.
g. It is also mentioned that conditions will be facilitated for the establishment of Oromo cultural centers, recreational sites and theatre. We raise the same question here? Who decides? The questions we raise here directly relate to the fundamental point we raised in item 1 of this piece.
h. The statement clearly defined that Addis Ababa will continue to be used as a designated name for the city at international, national and city level. Who cares? Did you laugh like me to read a phrase that says, the name Finfinnee is equal with Addis Ababa before the law? What is this? Excuse my ignorance that I was not aware the name Finfinnee was inferior to Addis Ababa. A special right? Yeah?

Regarding Oromia’s economic interest on Finfinnee
All the economic issues on “a special interest” bowel down to question #2 we raised earlier. Unless Oromia is able to appropriate the revenue that Finfinnee generates (in whatever arrangement) the talk of economic benefits is a groundless rhetoric and useless as well. Just let’s unveil the essence of some heavy but empty words in the economic benefits section.
a. The statement articulates that Oromia will benefit from services like water supply, liquid and solid waste disposal, transport services, employment opportunity and condominium houses built by government expense, market center facilities and adequate compensation when farmers are evicted for “development” purposes. Look at this joke, who will determine the amount of services Oromia should get? Why does Finfinnee predetermine that farmers will be evicted? Why doesn’t Finfinnee plan its waste disposal within its own boundary? Condos: Is the law referring to condos that will be built in future? When? Can’t Oromos be eligible as citizens for condos without a special interest? By the way there are endless yet untold shams around Finfinnee condos. I may write about it some other time. Just to throw a little light on the impracticality of the condo issue, let us mention two key points. Condominium house is not a charity project. You have to pay in hundreds thousands. Would it be really a level walk for the Oromo farmer? Back in 2004, when Arkebe Equbay was appointed mayor of the city, he pledged to construct 100,000 house units in 5 years and some 400,000 people were registered to own condos. However, the city was able to satisfy only some 80,000 expectants in ten years (up to 2014). If the construction continues with same pace, even in the next 30, years the first-round registers will not own condos let alone a newcomer Oromo farmer.
b. The statement also mentions that Oromia will benefit from transport networks that the city provides. What a joke? Finfinnee is not mandated to construct roads in Oromia. Highway roads are constructed by central government and regions are mandated to construct gravel roads in their respective territories. So Finfinne will not provide the infrastructure. The current relation is based on transport service that is purely guided by market drives. Oromos pay the fare like any citizen and go back and forth to Finfinnee for business. As we know Anbessa city bus and taxies travel as far as Teji, in the south west, Chancho in the north, Sandafa in the north east, Bishoftu in the east and Holota in the west. So, where is the point that Oromia special interest is served? Will there be a special fare for Oromos?
c. The so-called law discusses that Oromo youth will get job opportunity in the enterprises undertaken by Finfinnee administration in the surrounding areas. Here there is a big question, what is Finfinnee’s business in the surrounding areas? By default, the meddling of Finfinnee administration in the surrounding areas, means another version of the “Integrated Addis Ababa Master Plan” we rejected and died to reject.
d. In the economic benefit camouflage, there is one clear position designated to the Oromo people. They are not mall owners, they are not wholesalers, they are not building owners, they are not merchants. They are poor farmers who bring agricultural products to the market and feed dwellers of the city most of whom are settlers. There is no affirmative action that provides for the Oromo people to become modern business owners and dwellers in their own city in a modern fashion of the day. They are grossly supposed to remain as farmers forever, no matter how fast the city encroaches to their dooryard.


The Qube Saga: Another Attack on the Oromo People

By: Tullu Liban

The change to Qube sequence has gone virial on social and mainstream media this time around. OPDO officials came out on TV screen to deny and or defend the change in a hair-raising way. One of the defenders who appeared on Oromia Radio and Television (who presumably presented himself as a language scholar), tried to explain the “rational” of the Qube change, though implausibly. He mentioned 5 points, defined as reading components viz. phonological awareness, grapho-phonemic awareness, fluency, vocabulary and comprehension.
There are plenty of reasons that retrigger linguistic and pedagogical questions in these claims. Are they really the causes to change the sequence of Oromo alphabet? The OPDO officials/experts denied the change to ABCD sequence in Afan Oromo curriculum. However, they couldn’t hide that the teaching method for Afan Oromo from grade 1 to 8 has been changed as far as Oromo language teaching is concerned. What does that mean? On the one hand they say Oromo alphabet order is not changed. On the other they tell us the order is changed from ABCD to LAGM? Are they confused or try to confuse us? Leaving aside the denial tricks, let us raise some mechanical (writing), linguistic and pedagogical points.

1. The issue of mechanics (grapho-phonemics)

The OPDO TV panellists said “L” letter is the simplest sign for children to write. As we all know, Qube alphabet has got two sets of signs, which are different in shape-small and capital (lower case and upper case). Which of the signs the OPDO linguists are talking about “l” or “L”? If they are talking about small “l”, yes, one needs to write only one vertical line and if that is the case what should logically follow is ‘i’ not “a” or A, then “j” not, “g” or “G”. If they are talking about capital “L, it needs to draw two lines, vertical and horizontal and connect them at the bottom end, and the logic of simplicity becomes questionable. In that case one may probably accept the logic of drawing two lines to write “A” capital. But it needs three lines, the two which form a coned shape and connected them at the middle by another line. Worse, yet, “g” or “G” are entirely different in shape from both “L” and “A”. Where is the mechanics of simplicity, then? This fact automatically dismisses the simplicity of visual and mechanical logic claimed for writing the letters.

2. The issue of frequency of “L” sound (phonological awareness)

The magic of “L” sound in Afan Oromo is simply a surprise for one to believe. What is the magic for frequency of an “L” sound in Afan Oromo? What special linguistic quality makes it appear repeatedly when all sounds have equal value in the language? Moreover, in which text and in how many written materials the magic sound occurred in the so-called Primerpro software? What is the factor that triggered the recurrence of an “L” sound? Even if that is true, can an expert experiment become a cause to change a nation’s curriculum? There is no sufficient evidence as yet provided by the OPDO “experts” to defend their “discovery”.

3. Reading components?

The OPDO “expert” claimed fluency, vocabulary and comprehension has stirred the change to alphabetical order. These concepts have nothing to do with alphabet teaching or ability of alphabet discrimination. Alphabet is learned in preschool classes and in the case of rural Ethiopia in grade one. Alphabet teaching is not an all time exercise (from grade 1-8). However, fluency in reading, vocabulary mastery and comprehension skills are a lifetime exercise. How on earth these components serve to change sequence of a language alphabet. How much can kids read at grade one in a country like Ethiopia and what does it have with the shapes of alphabets?

4. A Counter argument

If one tries to group sounds, here is linguistic argument. One can arrange sounds based on linguistic features, in their point and manner of articulation instead of the shape of the letters that represent them. For instance, one can argue “K”, “G and “Q” are produced in the same area in oral cavity, so it is easy for children to memorize them if they are put in sequence in alphabet teaching. The same logic works for “T” and “X” of Oromo Qube and “S” and “Sh” alike. Thus, the change made to Afan Oromo alphabet has nothing to do with linguistic features.

5. Confusion of alphabets in two languages

The OPDO officials/experts talked that English alphabets will continue to be taught to children in the natural order of ABCD. As we all know, English teaching starts in grade one in Ethiopian schools. One can imagine the benefit of learning the alphabets in the two languages alike. Why do they create this confusion to children, while it is not in the interest of the children (as we watched on Oromia Television a teacher in Sululta reflecting students’ dissatisfaction and that of the teachers with the confusion of changing the alphabets)?

6. The psycholinguistic factor

One of the TV interviewees was heard saying psycholinguistic method was one of the factors that triggered the change (means, cognitive faculty captures simple words than complex ones). Apparently this claim sounds logical. But what has it got with learning “l” first and “a” next? Is “a” difficult than “l”? Dr. Firdisa Jabessa, an established educator at Addis Ababa University, told a journalist while asked the change OPDO made to Qube, that children first pronounce “A” and “B” when they learn talking at toddler stage, not “L”. They start with “Aba”. This is true for all children in the world.

7. The socio-linguistic factor
Since the coming to effect of Qube, Oromos know Qube in the order they have learnt it from day one of their acquaintance with the writing system. Kids chanted ABCD, renowned singers including Ali Birra, produced pieces of lyrics and Oromos across the world cherished ABCD unanimously. Why the TPLF masters and OPDO surrogates want to intervene in this public business? Don’t they know, the level of Oromo attachment to the Qube issue?

8. Detachment from the world
One would hardly believe that Oromo children are less intelligent than the children around the world to learn their alphabet. There is no a story of similar step where countries or communities changed their regular alphabet to teach them to their children. Alphabet teaching is not a rocket science. It needs a lot of elements to help children identify alphabets and read texts properly. Therefore, to alter the order of alphabets known to the world has nothing to do with teaching letters.
Aleqa Kidanewold Kifle, an Amharic lexicographer argues (may be before 50 years back) that Amharic should change its alphabet order from “ሀ ለ” to “አ በ ገ ደ” because the world alphabets start with “A”.

9. The true reason for kids to fail to identify alphabets

One of the scary reasons is that the majority of kids in Oromia are unable to read and write when they complete first cycle school (grades 1-4) is a policy issue. This fact is boldly told to the public by one of the OPDO officials during the TV briefing, though those who are aware of the current Ethiopian education system prettily know it. The major problem here is the so-called self-contained system where one teacher is assigned for the kids to teach all subjects in the first cycle.
Moreover, there are a lot of factors that affect the learning-teaching process at this formative stage, some of which are lack of well trained teachers, teacher-student ratio (up to 80 students in a class room), textbook-student ration, lack of pedagogical facilities such as teaching aids, (fillip chart, flash card, picture books, realia, paly boars etc.), lack of motivation from the part of the teachers, lack of incentive and party membership nepotism, lack of academic freedom among others

10. Preschool policy
The Ethiopian education system is devoid of a preschool policy. There are no publicly funded preschools or kindergartens in Ethiopia. Cities have an assortment of private preschools and kindergartens but there are fewer or no institutions in rural areas. Typically, the children from poor, urban families or those living in rural areas do not attend preschool at all. That means, children enter grade one before learning how to pronounce and spell sounds. This is a country where 85% of the population lives in rural areas and there is not policy as to how to teach basic alphabets and arithmetic to the kids and there are no preschool institutions. Therefore, one can see no liability in the order of Afan Oromo alphabet for the failure of children to read or write.

11. The undercover project
The fact lies somewhere. The change that OPDO made changes to Qube is a political intrigue, which is part and parcel of destabilizing the Oromo society. Known to all, the OPDO goons would not take any policy initiative by their own be it bad or good. The project owners are the TPLF masters. They want to narrow every space they believe benefiting and promoting Oromia. Afan Oromo is a big capital and a unifying force. TPLF wants to infiltrate in this business and disrupt the pace and progress of Afan Oromo development.

የኦሮሚያ ክልል በፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ ላይ ያለውን ሕገ-መንግስታዊ ልዩ ጥቅም ለመወሰን የወጣ አዋጅ

በኢትዮጵያ ፌዴራላዊ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሪፐብሊክ ሕገ-መንግስት መግቢያ ላይ የኢትዮጵያ ብሔር፣ ብሔረሰቦችና ሕዝቦች መጪው የጋራ እድላችን መመስረት ያለበት ከታሪካችን የወረስነውን የተዛባ ግንኙነት በማረምና የጋራ ጥቅማችንን በማሳደግ ላይ መሆኑን በመቀበላቸው፣

ሕገ-መንግስቱ ለብሔር፣ ብሔረሰቦችና ሕዝቦች ፖለቲካዊ፣ ኢኮኖሚያዊ፣ ማህበራዊና ባህላዊ መብቶች እውቅና የሰጠ፣ አንድ የፖለቲካና ኢኮኖሚ ማህበረሰብ ለመፍጠር የህዝቦች ተጠቃሚነት ከተረጋገጠላቸው ብሔሮች መካከል አንዱ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በመሆኑ፣

የኢትዮጵያ ፌዴራላዊ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሪፐብሊክ ሕገ-መንግስት በአንቀፅ 49 ንዑስ አንቀፅ (5) የኦሮሚያ ክልል የአገልግሎት አቅርቦት ወይም የተፈጥሮ ሐብት አጠቃቀምንና የመሳሰሉትን ጉዳዮች በተመለከተ፣ እንዲሁም አዲስ አበባ በኦሮሚያ ክልል አካል በመሆኑ የሚነሱ ሁለቱን የሚያስተሳስሩ አስተዳደራዊ ጉዳዮችን በተመለከተ ያለውን ልዩ ጥቅም እንደሚጠበቅለት በመደንገጉ፣

የኦሮሚያ ክልል በፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ ላይ ያለውን ልዩ ጥቅም ዝርዝር በሕግ እንደሚወሰን በሕገ-መንግስቱ አንቀፅ 49 ንዑስ አንቀፅ (5) ስለሚደነግግና ይህንን ሕግ ማውጣት አስፈላጊ ሆኖ በመገኘቱ፣

በኢትዮጵያ ፌዴራላዊ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሪፐብሊክ ሕገ-መንግስት አንቀፅ 55 ንዑስ አንቀፅ (1) መሠረት የሚከተለው ታውጇል፣

ክፍል አንድ:- ጠቅላላ ድንጋጌ

1/ አጭር ርዕስ

ይህ አዋጅ “የኦሮሚያ ክልል በፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ ላይ ያለውን ህገ-መንግሥታዊ ልዩ ጥቅም ለመወሰን የወጣ አዋጅ ቁጥር ____/2009” ተብሎ ሊጠቀስ ይችላል፡፡

2/ ትርጓሜ

በዚህ አዋጅ ውስጥ የቃሉ አግባብ ሌላ ትርጉም የሚሰጠው ካልሆነ በስተቀር ፡-

1) “ሕገ-መንግስት” ማለት የኢትዮጵያ ፌዴራላዊ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሪፐብሊክ ሕገ- መንግስት አዋጅ ቁጥር 1/1987 ማለት ነው፡፡

2) “ክልል” ማለት የኦሮሚያ ክልል ማለት ነው፡፡

3) “መንግስት” ማለት የኦሮሚያ ክልላዊ መንግስት ነው፡፡

4) “ጨፌ ኦሮሚያ” ማለት የኦሮሚያ ክልል የህግ አውጭ አካል ማለት ነው፡፡

5) “ልዩ ጥቅም” ማለት በሕገ መንግስቱ ውስጥ እውቅና ያገኙ የኢኮኖሚ፣ ማህበራዊ ፣ የባህል፣ የቋንቋ፣ አስተዳደራዊ፣ የልማት፣ የፖለቲካ፣ የአካባቢ ደህንነት፣ የንብረት መብቶች የመሳሰሉትን በልዩ ሁኔታ የኦሮሚያ ክልላዊ መንግስት በአዲስ አበባ ላይ የሚያገኘዉ ጥቅም ማለት ነው፡፡

6) “አስተዳደር” ማለት የአዲስ አበባ ከተማ አስተዳደር ማለት ነው ፡፡

7) “የኦሮሞ ብሔር ተወላጆች” ማለት የአዲስ አበባ ከተማ ከመመስረቱ በፊት ጀምሮ ነባር ነዋሪ የነበሩ ወይም አሁንም በከተማው ነዋሪ የሆኑ ኦሮሞዎች ማለት ነው፡፡

8) “ሰው” ማለት ማንኛውም የተፈጥሮ ሰው ወይም ሕጋዊ የሰውነት መብት ያለው አካል ነው፡፡

3/ የተፈጻሚነት ወሰን

ይህ አዋጅ በፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ ከተማ አስተዳደር ዉስጥ ተፈጻሚነት ይኖረዋል፡፡

4/ የፆታ አገላለጽ

በዚህ አዋጅ በወንድ ፆታ የተገለፀው የሴት ፆታንም ይጨምራል፡፡

5/ ስያሜ

1) የከተማው ስም ፊንፊኔ ከአዲስ አበባ ጋር እኩል መጠሪያ ይሆናል፡፡

2) የከተማው ሕጋዊ ስም በፅሁፍ ፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ ተብሎ ጥቅም ላይ መዋል ይኖርበታል፡፡

6/ ወሰን

1) የከተማው ወሰን የከተማው አስተዳደርና የክልሉ መንግስት በሚያደርጉት የጋራ ስምምነት ይወሰናል፡፡ የወሰን ምልክትም ይደረግበታል፡፡

2) በዚህ አንቀፅ ንዑስ አንቀፅ (1) በተደነገገው መሰረት የተቀመጠውን የወሰን ምልክት ከተደረገበት በኋላ በማናቸውም ምክንያት መስፋት የማይቻል ሲሆን ወሰኑንም ክልሉ እና አስተዳደሩ የማክበር ግዴታ አለባቸው፡፡

3) ይህ አዋጅ ተግባራዊ መሆን ከጀመረበት ጊዜ ጀምሮ በ6 ወራት ጊዜ ውስጥ ወሰን ተከልሎ ምልክት መደረግ ይኖርበታል፡፡

7/ የስራ ቋንቋ

የከተማው አስተዳደር የስራና ኦፊሴላዊ ቋንቋ አማርኛ እና አፋን ኦሮሞ ነው፡፡

8/ የኦሮሞ ብሔር ተወላጆች መብት

1) በከተማው አስተዳደር ነዋሪ የሆኑ የኦሮሞ ብሔር ተወላጆች በኢትዮጵያ ፌዴራላዊ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሪፐብሊክ ሕገ-መንግስት እና በሌሎች የሀገሪቱ ሕጎች የተከበሩ መብቶች በከተማው ውስጥ የመጠቀም ሙሉ መብት አላቸው፡፡

2) የከተማ አስተዳደሩም ይህንን መብት የማክበር ግዴታ ይኖርበታል፡፡

ክፍል ሁለት:- የኦሮሚያ ክልል በከተማው አስተዳደሩ ላይ የሚኖረው ልዩ ጥቅሞች

9/ ጠቅላላ

በዚህ አዋጅ ውስጥ የተጠቀሱት ዝርዝር የክልሉ መብቶችና ልዩ ጥቅሞች በህገ- መንግሥቱ አንቀፅ 49 ንዑስ አንቀፅ (5) ላይ የተገለፀውን አጠቃላይ አነጋገር የሚገድበው አይሆንም፡፡

10/ የልዩ ጥቅሙ መርሆዎች

1) የከተማ አስተዳደሩ የሚያወጣቸው ፖሊሲዎች፣ ስትራቴጂዎች፣ ሕጎችና ዕቅዶች የከተማው ነዋሪ የኦሮሞ ብሔር ተወላጆች ፖለቲካዊ፣ ኢኮኖሚያዊ፣ ማህበራዊና ባህላዊ ሕገ መንግስታዊ መብቶች የሚያስከብር መሆናቸውን ማረጋገጥ ይገባል፡፡

2) የከተማ አስተዳደሩ የሚያወጣቸው ፖሊሲዎች፣ ስትራቴጂዎች፣ ሕጎችና ዕቅዶች የነዋሪ የኦሮሞ ተወላጆችን ጥቅሞችና ፍላጎቶች ግምት ውስጥ ያስገባና መብቶቻቸውን የሚያስከብር መሆኑን ማረጋገጥ ይኖርበታል፡፡

3) የመስተዳድሩ ምክር ቤት ከክልሉ መብቶችና ጥቅሞች ጋር በሚያያዙ ጉዳዮች ላይ በሚሰጠው ውሣኔ የክልሉን ጥቅሞች ከግምት ውስጥ በማስገባት ይወስናል፡፡

11/ ስለ አስተዳደራዊ ጥቅሞች

1) በፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ ውስጥ ነዋሪ የሆነው የኦሮሞ ተወላጆች የራሳቸውን እድል በራሳቸው የመወሰን መብት ይኖራቸዋል፡፡

2) በከተማው መስተዳደር ም/ቤት ውስጥ የኦሮሞ ብሄር ተወላጆች እንደ ከተማው ነዋሪ ያላቸው ውክልና እንደተጠበቀ ሆኖ፣ ከምክር ቤት ወንበር 25% የማያንስ የኦሮሞ ብሄር ተወላጆች ብቻ የሚወከሉበት መቀመጫ ይኖራቸዋል፡፡

3) በዚህ አንቀፅ ንዑስ አንቀፅ (2) ላይ የተደነገገው እንደተጠበቀ ሆኖ፣ የኦሮሞ ብሄር ተወላጆች ውክልና በየደረጃው ባሉ ምክር ቤቶች፣ የሥራ አስፈፃሚውና የዳኝነት አካል ውስጥ ተፈፃሚነት ይኖረዋል፡፡

4) በኦሮሚያ የመንግስታዊና ህዝባዊ ድርጅቶች መስሪያ ቤቶች ውስጥ ወይም ጉዳዮች ላይ የሚፈፀሙ ወንጀሎች እንዲሁም በኦሮሚያ ክልል ውስጥ ወንጀል ሰርተው ወደ 4 ፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ በመምጣት የሚደበቁትን ተጠሪጣሪ ወንጀለኞች የክልሉ ፖሊስ፣ አቃቤ ህግና ፍርድ ቤቶች የመመርመር፣ የመያዝና የመቅጣት ሙሉ መብት ይኖራቸዋል፡፡

5) በዚህ አንቀፅ ንኡስ አንቀፅ (4) የተደነገገ ቢኖርም፣ በፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ የተፈፀሙ ከክልሉ ጋር የተያያዙ ወንጀሎች ከፌዴራልና ከከተማ አስተዳደሩ የፍትህና የፀጥታ አካሎች ጋር በትብብር መስረት ይኖርባቸዋል፡፡

6) ፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ የኦሮሚያ ክልላዊ መንግስት ዋና ከተማ ሆና ታገለግላለች፡፡

ስለ ማህበራዊ የአገልግሎት ጥቅሞች
1) የኦሮሚያ ክልላዊ መንግሥት ለተለያዩ መንግሥታዊ፣ ሕዝባዊና የልማት ማህበሮች ቢሮዎች፣ ክልሉ ታሪካዊ፣ ባህላዊ፣ ማህበራዊና ኢኮኖሚያዊ እሴቶቹን ለስብሰባ አደራሾች፣ የኮሚኒቲ ማዕከላትና ለሌሎች ሕዝባዊ አገልግሎቶች የሚውሉ ህንፃዎችና ፋሲሊቲዎች የሚገነባበት በቂ መሬት ክልለሉ ከሚፈለገው አከባቢ ከከተማ አስተዳደሩ ከሊዝ ነፃ የማግኘት ጥቅሙ ይጠበቅለታል፡፡

2) ለኦሮሚያ ክልላዊ መንግሥት ኃላፊዎችና ሠራተኞች እንዲሁም የኦሮሞ ተወላጆች የመኖሪያ ቤት በከተማ አስተዳደሩ ከሚገነቡ የጋራ መኖሪያ ቤቶች በ15% ቅድሚያ የማግኘት ወይም የመከራየት መብት ይኖራቸዋል፡፡

3) የኦሮሚያ ክልላዊ መንግስትና የከተማው ነዋሪ የኦሮሞ ተወላጆች አደባባዮች፣ ማዕከላት፣ አዳራሾች፣ ስታዲየሞች፣ ሜዳዎች…ወዘተ አገልግሎት ማግኘት ሲፈልጉ ቅድሚያ የመጠቀም ሙሉ መብት ይኖራቸዋል፡፡

4) በከተማው አስተዳደር ውስጥ ነዋሪ ለሆኑ የኦሮሞ ተወላጆች ልጆቻቸውን በአፍ መፍቻ ቋንቋቸው በአፋን ኦሮሞ የሚያስተምሩ ት/ቤቶች በመስተዳድሩ ወጪ ተሰርተው ትምህርት እንዲሰጥ ያደርጋል፡፡

5) የከተማ አስተዳደሩ ከከተማው ዳሪ ላይ ለሚገኙ አርሶ አደሮች የጤና አገልግሎት በቅርብ እንዲያገኙ የጤና ተቋማትን እንዲያስፋፋ ይደረጋል፡፡

6) የክልሉ ቢሮዎችና ሠራተኞች የሚጠቀሙባቸው የመኖሪያ ቤቶች የሚሆን የመብራት፣ ውኃ፣ መንገድ፣ ስልክና ወዘተ የመሰረተ ልማቶች አገልግሎቶች እንዲያገኙ ይደረጋል፡፡

7) በፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ ዙሪያ ለሚኖረው ሕብረተሰብ ልዩ ልዩ የማህበራዊ አገልግሎቶች እንደ መንገድ፣ ትራንስፖርት፣ መብራት፣ ውኃ፣ ስልክና የመሳሰሉትን በማቅረብ የፊንፊኔ 5 ዙሪያ ኦሮሚያ ዞን ከተሞችና የገጠር ቀበሌዎች ነዋሪዎች ተጠቃሚ እንዲሆኑ ይደረጋል፡፡

8) ለከተማው መስተዳድር የመጠጥ ውሃ አገልግሎት በክልሉ ከሚገኙ የከርሰ ምድርና ገፀ ምድር ውሃ የሚገኝ በመሆኑ የመጠጥ ውሃ አገልግሎቱ የሚገኝበትና የአገልግሎቱ መስመር የሚያልፍባቸው የክልሉ ከተሞች እና ቀበሌዎች የውሃ አቅርቦት ዝርጋት በመስተዳድሩ ወጭ የመጠጥ ውሃ ተጠቃሚ የመሆን መብት አላቸው፡፡

9) የከተማ መስተዳድር ለከተማው ህዝብ የሚያቀርባቸው አገልግሎቶች በመስተዳድሩ አዋሳኝ ለሚኖረው የኦሮሚያ ክልል ሕዝብ ሊዳረሱ የሚችሉ ሲሆን ነዋሪዎቹ በተመሳሳይ ሁኔታ የአገልግሎቶቹ ተጠቃሚ የመሆን መብት ይኖራቸዋል፡፡

10)ከተማ አስተዳደሩ የከተማ አዋሳኝ የሆኑ የክልሉ ከተሞችና የገጠር ቀበሌዎች ላይ የሰው ሰራሽና የተፈጥሮ አደጋዎች እንዳይከሰቱ የመጠበቅና የመከላከል፤ ተከስተው ከተገኙም ጉዳቱን የመቀነስ ሃላፊነት አለበት፡፡

11)የከተማው አስተዳድር ለከተማው ህዝብ ከሚያቀርባቸው አገልግሎቶች ጋር በተያያዙ የልማት ሥራዎችን በክልሉ መንግስት ጋር በመመካከርና በመስማማት ሊፈፅም ይችላል፡፡

13/ ስለ ባህላዊና ታሪካዊ ጥቅሞች

1) በከተማ አስተዳደር ውስጥ የሚገኙ የተለያዩ ቦታዎች መጠሪያ ወይም ስያሜዎች በጥንት ስሞቻቸው እንዲጠሩና ተዛብተው እየተጠሩ ያሉት ስሞች እንዲስተካከሉ ይደረጋል፡፡

2) የከተማ አስተዳደሩ የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ብሔራዊ ማንነት የሚያንፀባርቅ አሻራ በከተማው ውስጥ በቋሚነት እንዲኖር ከኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ጋር የተያያዙ ታሪካዊ ክስተቶች ወይም በኦሮሞ ብሄራዊ ጀግኖች ስም መታሰቢያዎች እንዲኖሩ የመንግስት ተቋማት ህንፃዎች፣ አደባባዮች፣ ጎዳናዎች፣ አይሮፕላን ማረፊያ፣ ሠፈሮች እና የመሳሰሉት በስማቸው የመሰየም ሃላፊነት አለበት፡፡

3) በከተማ አስተዳሩ ወጪ በተቋቋሙ የሬድዮና የቴሌቪዥን ማሰራጫ ጣቢያዎች ከከተማው የሚተላለፉ ፕሮግራሞች ለአፋን ኦሮሞ የአየር ጊዜ የመመደብ ግዴታ አለበት፡፡

4) በፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ የሚኖረው የዛሬውና መጪው ትውልድ የፊንፊኔን ታሪክ በተዛበ መልኩ ሳይሆን ኦሮሞዎች ይኖሩበት የነበረች ጥንታዊ መሬታቸው እንደነበረችና በኃይል ተገፍተው ወደ ዳር በመገፋታቸው ቁጥራቸው እየተመናመነ መሄዱንና ወደ አናሳነት መቀየራቸውን ህዝቡ እንዲያውቅና እውቅና እንዲሰጥ የከተማ አስተዳደሩ በትምህርት ስርዓት፣ በሚዲያ፣በህዝባዊ መድረኮችና በመሳሰሉት የመስራት ግዴታ ይኖራዋል፡፡

5) በመስተዳድሩ ውስጥ የሚገኙ ትምህርት ቤቶች የታሪክ ማስተማሪያ መፃሕፍት ውስጥ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ የጥንት ነባር ሕዝብ መሆኑን አዲሱ ትውልድ እንዲገነዘብ ይደረጋል፡፡

6) በከተማ አስተዳደሩ ውስጥ ነዋሪ የሆኑ የኦሮሞ ተወላጆች የማንነቱ ዋና መገለጫ የሆኑት ታሪኩን፣ እምነቱን፣ ቋንቋውን፣ ባህላዊ እሴቶቹን የመጠበቅ፣ የማሳደግና ስራ ላይ የማዋል መብቱን የከተማ አስተዳደሩ የማክበር ግዴታ አለበት፡፡

7) በከተማው ውስጥ የሚገኙ ሙዚያሞች፣ የባህል ማዕከላት፣ የሲኒማና ትያትር ቤቶች እና ፓርኮች የኦሮሞ ባህላዊ እሴቶች፣ ቋንቋ፣ ታሪክና ወግ ሊያንሰራሩበት የሚችሉ ስልቶችን በመቀየስ የድጋፍ እርጃዎችን የመውሰድ ግዴታ አለበት፡፡

8) በከተማው መስተዳድር ውስጥ በሚገኙ ሙዚየሞች ውስጥ የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ ታሪክ፣ ባህል፣ ወግ የሚያንፀባርቁ ቅርፆችንና መጽሐፎች እንዲሟሉና እንዲኖሩ መስተዳድሩ ከክልሉ ጋር በመመካከር የመስራት ግዴታ አለበት፡፡

14/ ስለ ኢኮኖሚያዊ ጥቅሞች

1) በከተማው የሚኖረው የኦሮሞ ተወላጅ ከመሬቱ ያለመፈናቀል ሙሉ ዋስትና አለው፡፡

2) በከተማው አስተዳደር ውስጥ በልማት ምክንያት ለሚነሱ የኦሮሞ አርሶ አደሮች በተነሱበት አከባቢ በዘላቂነት የመቋቋም መብት አላቸዉ፡፡

3) ለልማት ተነሺ መሆኑ ሲረጋገጥ በቂ ቅድመ ዝግጅት እንዲያደርጉ ማሳወቅ፣ በካሳ ግመታ ተሳታፊ እንዲሆኑ ማድረግና የወቅቱን የገበያ ዋጋ ያገናዘበ በቂ የካሳ ክፍያና ምትክ ቦታ ለተነሽው አርሶ አደርና ለቤተሰቡ በተነሱበት አከባቢ እንዲያገኙ ይደረጋል፡፡

4) በልማት ምክንያት የሚፈናቀሉ አርሶ አደሮች የተከፈላቸውን ካሳ በዘላቂነት መጠቀም እንዲችሉ ፕሮጀክቶችን በመቅረፅ ስራ ላይ እንዲውሉ ይደረጋል፡፡

5) በዚህ አንቀፅ ንዑስ አንቀፅ (2) ስራ ላይ ለማዋል እንዲቻል የከተማ አስተዳደሩ ራሱን ያቻለ ይህን ስራ የሚሰራ ተቋም በማቋቋም መደገፍና መከታተል ይኖርበታል፡፡

6) ቀደም ሲል በልማት ምክንያት ከይዞታቸው ተነስተው ለተለያዩ ማብበራዊና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ችግሮች የተጋለጡ አርሶ አደሮችና ቤተሰቦቻቸው ተገቢውን መረጃ በማሰባሰብና በማደራጀት መልሰው እንዲቋቋሙ ይደረጋል፡፡

7) ከተማ አስተደዳደሩ ለቋንቋ አገልግሎት፣ ለጋራ ምክር ቤቱ፣ ቦታን ከሊዝ ውጭ የሚሰጥ፣ የመኖሪያ ቤት ቅዲሚያ የሚሰጥ፣ የት/ቤቶች ግንባታና ማስፋፋት፣ የውሃ አቅርቦት ለአከባቢው ህዝብ በነፃ የሚሰጥ፣ ለኦሮሞ ተወላጆች ባህል፣ ታሪክ፣ ቋንቋ መስፋፋትና መንከባከብ የሚሰራ በመሆኑ ምንጫቸው ከክልሉ ሆኖ ወደ መስተዳድሩ በሚገቡ ለመኖሪያ ቤት ግንባታ፣ ለኢንዱስትርና ለፋብሪካዎች የሚውሉ ጥሬ እቃዎች፣ ለመጠጥ ውሃና ሌሎች የተፈጥሮ ሀብቶች ይጠቀማል፡፡

8) በኦሮሚያ ክልል ውስጥ የሚመረቱ የአርሶ አደር ወይም ማህበራት ምርቶች ፊንፊኔ/ አዲስ አበባ ውስጥ የገበያ ቦታ ከሊዝ ነፃ ያገኛሉ፡፡

9) የከተማ ነዋሪ የሆነው የኦሮሞ ተወላጆች በንግድና በሌሎች ኢኮኖሚያዊ ጠቀሜታ ያላቸው የስራ መስኮች ውስጥ ተሳታፊነትና ተጠቃሚነት እንዲያድግ የድጋፍ ርምጃዎችን በመውሰድ ነባሩን የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በከተማው ከሚኖረው አብዛኛው ማህበረሰብ ጋር ፍትሃዊ የሐብት ክፍፍል እንዲኖር የከተማ አስተዳደሩ ሁኔታዎችን የማመቻቸት ግዴታ አለበት፡፡

15/ ስለ አካባቢ ደህንነት ጥቅሞች

1) መስተዳድሩ ከከተማው የሚወጡትን ደርቅና ፍሳሽ ቆሻሻዎች የሚያስከትሉትን ጉዳት የአካባቢ ብክለት ቁጥጥርን አስመልክቶ በወጡ ሕጐች መሠረት የማስቀረት ግዴታ አለበት፡፡

2) ከከተማው አስተዳደር የሚወጡ ደረቅና ፍሳሽ ቆሻሻዎች ወደ ክልሉ እንዳይለቀቁ ማድረግ፣ ተለቆ ከተገኘ በሰው፣ በእንስሳትና በተፈጥሮ አከባቢ ላይ የሚደርሰውን ጉዳትና ብክለት መተበቅና መከላከል፣ መስተዳድሩ ወደ ክልሉ በተጣሉ ወይም በፈሰሱ ቆሻሻዎች ምክንያት በሰው፣ በእንስሳት፣ በመሬት፣ በአከባቢና በአየር ብክለት ላይ ለደረሰው ጉዳት በቂ ካሳ የመክፈል ግዴታ አለበት፡፡

3) መስተዳድሩ ከከተማው የሚያወጣቸው ፍሳሽና ደረቅ ቆሻሻዎችን የማከም ወይም መልሶ የመጠቀም ስልት በማቀድ መስተዳድሩ ተግባራዊ የማድረግ ግዴታ አለበት፡፡

4) በፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ ዙሪያ ለሚገኙት ቀበሌዎች ወንዞችና የተፈጥሮ ሀብቶች አስፈላጊውን እንክብካቤ የማድረግ ግዴታ ይኖርበታል፡፡

16/ የኦሮሚያ ክልላዊ መንግስት መብቶች

1) የክልሉ መንግስት በከተማ አስተዳደሩ በሚያወጣቸው ፖሊሲዎች፣ ስትራቴጂዎች፣ ሕጎችና ዕቅዶች የኦሮሞ ተወላጆችን ጥቅሞችና ፍላጎቶች ግምት ውስጥ ያስገባና መብቶቻቸውን የሚያስከብር መሆኑን አስተያየት እና የማሻሻያ ሐሳብ የማቅረብ መብት ይኖረዋል፡፡

2)ክልሉ ከተማውንና ክልሉን በሚያስታሳስሩ ጉዳዮች ላይ ፖሊሲዎችን፣ ስትራቴጂዎችና ዕቅዶችን በማመንጨት ለአስተዳደሩ ምክር ቤት የማቅረብ ስልጣን ይኖረዋል፡፡

3)የክልሉ መንግስት የዚህን አዋጅ ማሻሻያ ሀሳብ በማመንጨት ለኢፌዲሪ የሕዝብ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤት የማቅረብ መብት ይኖረዋል፡፡ የሕዝብ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤትም ይህን አዋጅ ለማሻሻል ሲፈልግ የክልሉ መንግስት አስተያየት መጠየቅ ይኖርበታል፡፡

4)የኢ.ፌ.ደ.ሪ. መንግሥት የሚኒስትሮች ም/ቤት ይህን አዋጅ ለማስፈጸም ደንብ ከማውጣቱ በፊት የክልሉን አስተያየት ጠይቆ በደንቡ ውስጥ አስተያየቱ እንዲያካተት ማድረግ ይኖርበታል፡፡

5)የከተማ አስተዳደሩ የነዋሪ ኦሮሞዎችንና የክልሉን መብትና ጥቅም ሊነኩ የሚችሉ ፖሊሲዎች፣ ስትራቴጂዎች፣ ሕጎችና ዕቅዶች በአስተዳደሩ ምክር ቤትና በጋራ ምክር ቤት በውይይት ከስምምነት ላይ ካልደረሰ ተፈጻሚነት አይኖራቸውም፡፡

ክፍል ሶስት:- ስለ የኦሮሞ ብሔራዊ ጉባዔ መቋቋም

17/ ስለመቋቋም

1) የኦሮሞ ብሔራዊ ጉባዔ በፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ ውስጥ የሚኖሩ የኦሮሞ ተወላጆች የሚወከሉበት የኦሮሞ ብሔራዊ ጉባዔ ከዚህ በኋላ “ጉባዔ“ ተብሎ የሚጠራ በዚህ አዋጅ ተቋቁሟል፡፡

2) የኦሮሞ ብሔራዊ ጉባዔ አባላት በፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ ውስጥ የሚኖሩ የኦሮሞ ተወላጆች ብቻ የሚሳተፉበት ምርጫ በአገሪቱ የምርጫ ሕግ መሰረት ይፈጸማል፡፡

3) ጉባዔው ቋሚ ጽ/ቤት፣ ድጋፍ ሰጪ ሠራተኞች እና ሙያተኞች ይኖሩታል፡፡

18/ የጉባዔው ሥልጣንና ተግባር

የኦሮሞ ብሔራዊ ጉባዔ ከዚህ በታች የተመከለቱትን ሥልጣንና ተግባር ይኖሩታል፡፡

1) በከተማው ውስጥ የኦሮሞ ቋንቋ፣ ባህል፣ ታሪክ እንዲጠበቅ፣ እንክብካቤ እንዲያገኝ ፖሊሲና ሕግ ያወጣል፤ የከተማ አስተዳደሩም የማስፈፀም ግዴታ ይኖራዋል፡፡

2) በከተማው አስተዳደር ውስጥ ነባሪ የቦታ ስያሜዎች ተመልሰው እንዲያንሰራሩ ሕግ ያወጣል፡፡

3) በከተማው አስተዳደር ምክር ቤት ውስጥ የሚወከሉ የኦሮሞ ተወላጅ ተወካዮችን አባላት ይመርጣል፡፡

4) ኦሮሞዎችን ወክለው የከተማ አስተዳደሩን የሚመሩ የሥራ ሃለፊዎች ከንቲባ እና ሌሎች የካቢኔ አባላትን ተጠቁመው በምክር ቤቱ እንዲጸድቅ ያስደርጋል፡፡

5) በአዋጁ ውስጥ የተደነገጉ የከተማ አስተዳደሩ ነዋሪ የኦሮሞ ብሔር ተወላጆች መብቶችና ጥቅሞች በትክክል ተግባራዊ መሆናቸውን ይከታተላል፡፡

6) ጉባዔውን የሚመራ አፈ ጉባዔ፣ ምክትል አፈጉባዔና ሌሎች ሃላፊዎችን ይመርጣል፡፡

7) ጉባዔው ስራውን በአግባቡ ለመፈፀም እንዲያስችለው ልዩ ልዩ አደረጃጀት ሊኖረው ይችላል፡፡

8) ጉባዔው የአሰራር ስርዓት መመሪያ ሊያወጣ ይችላል፡፡

19/ የጉባዔው ዋና መሥሪያ ቤት

1) የጉባዔው ዋና መሥሪያ ቤት አድራሻ ፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ ነው፡፡

2) ጉባዔው እንደአስፈላጊነቱ በከተማው የአስተዳደር እርከኖች ቅርንጫፍ ጽሕፈት ቤቶች ሊኖሩት ይኖራዋል፡፡

20/ አርማ

ጉባዔው የራሱ አርማ ይኖረዋል::

21/ በጀት

የከተማው አስተዳደሩ ምክር ቤት ለጉባዔው ሥራ የሚያስፈልገውን በጀት ከጉባዔው በሚቀርብለት ጥያቄ መሰረት የመመደብ ግዴታ አለበት፡፡

22/ የጉባዔው የሥራ ዘመን

የጉባዔው የሥራ ዘመን 5 ዓመት ሆኖ የከተማ አስተዳደሩ ምክር ቤት ምርጫ ተካሂዶ በአዲስ መልክ ሲዋቀሩ ይኸውም ጉባዔ በአዲስ መልክ ይዋቀራል፡፡

ክፍል አራት:- ስለ የጋራ ምክር ቤት መቋቋም

23/ የጋራ ምክር ቤት መቋቋም

የኦሮሚያ ክልል በፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ ከተማ አስተዳድር ውስጥ ስላለው ልዩ ጥቅምን አስመልክቶ የወጡትን ሕጎች ተግባራዊነት የሚከታተልና የሚያስፈፅም ከክልሉ ወይም ከጉባዔውና አስተዳደሩ የተውጣጣ የጋራ ምክር ቤት ከዚህ በኋላ “የጋራ ምክር ቤት“ ተብሎ የሚጠራ በዚህ አዋጅ ተቋቁሟል፡፡

24/ የጋራ ምክር ቤቱ ዋና መሥሪያ ቤት

1) የጋራ ምክር ቤቱ ዋና መሥሪያ ቤት አድራሻ ፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ ነው፣

2) የጋራ ምክር ቤቱ በከተማው የአስተዳደር እርከን በየትኛውም ስፍራ የተለያዩ አደረጃጀትና ቅርንጫፍ ጽሕፈት ቤት ሊኖረው ይችላል፤

25/ አርማ

የጋራ ምክር ቤቱ የራሱ አርማ ይኖረዋል::

26/ የጋራ ምክር ቤቱ ሥልጣንና ተግባር

የጋራ ምክር ቤቱ የሚከተሉት ሥልጣንና ተግባር ይኖሩታል፡፡

1) የጋራ ምክር ቤቱ በዚህ አዋጅ የተደነገጉ ጥቅሞች፣ በምክር ቤቱና ጉባዔው የሚወጡ ፖሊሲዎች፣ ስትራቴጂዎች፣ ዕቅዶችና ሕጎች መፈፀማቸውን ይከታተላል፣ ያረጋግጣል፣

2) በክልሉና በአስተዳሩ የጋራ ጉዳዩች ላይ ተጨማሪ ጥናቶች እንዲደረጉ ይደረጋል፤ ሲፀድቁም ተግባራዊ እንዲሆኑ ይደረጋል፣

3) የጋራ ም/ቤቱ በክልሉና በአስተዳሩ ላይ ያለውን ልዩ ጥቅም አስመልክቶ የወሰናቸውን ውሣኔዎች የሚቃረን ውሣኔ ማንኛዉም አካል መወሰን አይችልም፡

4) የጋራ ምክር ቤቱ የኦሮሞ ብሔር ተወላጆች በአፋን ኦሮሞ የሚማሩበትን ትምህርት ቤት መስተዳድሩ መክፈቱን፣ መገንባቱን፣ የመምህራንና ለመማር ማስተማር የሚያስፈልጉትን ግብዓቶች መሟላቱን ይከታተላል ያስፈፅማል ፡፡

5) የጋራ ምክር ቤቱ በልማት ምክንያት ለሚነሱ የኦሮሞ ብሔር ተወላጆች መብትን ያስጠብቃል በዘላቂነት መቋቋም እንዲችሉ የመልሶ ማቋቋሙን ሥራ ይከታተላል ያስፈፅማል፡፡

6) የጋራ ምክር ቤቱ ስራውን በአግባቡ ለመፈፀም እንዲያስችለው ልዩ ልዩ አደረጃጀት ሊኖረው ይችላል፡፡

7) የጋራ ምክር ቤቱን የአሰራር ስርዓት መመሪያ ሊያወጣ ይችላል፡፡

27/ የጋራ ምክር ቤቱ አመሠራረት

1) 44 አባላት ያሉት በክልሉ ወይም ከጉባዔውና ከአስተደዳሩ በተውጣጡ አባላት ምክር ቤቱ ይቋቋማል፡፡

2) 22 አባላት ከክልሉ ወይም ከጉባዔው ይወከላሉ፡፡

3) 22 አባላት ከአስተዳደሩ ምክር ቤት ይወከላሉ፡፡

4) የጋራ ምክር ቤቱ ሰብሳቢ ከጉባዔው ከተወከሉት አባላት መካከል ይሆናል፡፡

5) የጋራ ምክር ቤቱ ም/ሰብሳቢ በአስተዳደሩ ምክር ቤት ከተወከሉት አባላት መካከል ይሆናል፡፡

6) ምክር ቤቱ ቋሚ ጽ/ቤት፣ ድጋፍ ሰጪ ሠራተኞች እና ሙያተኞች ይኖሩታል፡፡

28/ በጀት

የከተማው አስተዳደሩ ምክር ቤት ለጋራ ምክር ቤቱ ሥራ የሚያስፈልገውን በጀት ከጋራ ምክር ቤቱ በሚቀርብለት ጥያቄ መሰረት የመመደብ ግዴታ አለበት፡፡

29/ የጋራ ምክር ቤቱ የሥራ ዘመን

የጋራ ምክር ቤቱ የሥራ ዘመን 5 ዓመት ሆኖ የፊነፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ ምክር ቤት እና የጉባዔው ምርጫ ተካሂዶ በአዲስ መልክ ሲዋቀሩ ይኸውም የጋራ ምክር ቤቱ በአዲስ መልክ ይዋቀራል፡፡

ክፍል አምስት:- ልዩ ልዩ ድንጋጌዎች

30/ መተባበርና የመፈፀም ግዴታ

1) ይህን አዋጅ እና አዋጁን ተከትሎ የሚወጡትን ደንቦችና መመሪያዎች ሥራ ላይ ለማዋል ማናቸውም ሰው ወይም አካል የመተባበር ግዴታ አለበት፡፡

2) የከተማ አስተዳደሩ እና የአስተዳደሩ መንግስታዊ አካላት በሙሉ አዋጁን የመፈፀም ግዴታ አለባቸው፡፡

31/ የአዋጁን አፈፃፀም ስለመቆጣጠር

1) የሕዝብ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤት እና ጨፌ ኦሮሚያ ይህን አዋጅና በአዋጁ መሰረት የሚወጡትን ደንቦችና መመሪያዎች በትክክል ስራ ላይ መዋላቸውን የመቆጣጠር ሥልጣንና ኃላፊነት ይኖራቸዋል፡፡

2) የኢ.ፌ.ደ.ሪ. መንግሥት የሚኒስትሮች ም/ቤት እና ክልላዊ መንግስቱ ይህን አዋጅና በአዋጁ መሰረት የሚወጡትን ደንቦችና መመሪያዎች በትክክል ስራ ላይ መዋላቸውን የመከታተልና የመደገፍ ሥልጣንና ኃላፊነት ይኖራቸዋል፡፡

32/ ተፈፃሚነት ስለማይኖራቸው ህጐች

ይህን አዋጅ ጋር የሚቃረን ማንኛውም ሕግ፣የአዲስ አበባ ከተማ አስተዳደር ቻርተር አዋጅ ፣ መመሪያ፣ የአሠራር ልምዶች ወይም ውሳኔዎች በዚህ አዋጅ ውስጥ የተደነገጉ ጉዳዮች በሚመለከት ተፈፃሚነት አይኖራቸውም፡፡

33/ ደንብና መመሪያ የማውጣት ሥልጣን

1) የኢ.ፌ.ደ.ሪ. መንግሥት የሚኒስትሮች ም/ቤት ይህን አዋጅ ለማስፈፀም ደንብ ሊያወጣ ይችላል፡፡

2) ጉባዔው እና የአስተዳደሩ ምክር ቤት ይህን አዋጅና በአዋጁ መሰረት የሚወጣውን ደንብ ለማስፈፀም መመሪያ ሊያወጡ ይችላሉ፡፡

34/ አዋጁ የሚፀናበት ጊዜ

ይህ አዋጅ በፌዴራል ነጋሪት ጋዜጣ ታትሞ ከወጣበት ቀን ጀምሮ የፀና ይሆናል፡፡

ፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ ……….. ቀን 2009 ዓ.ም

ሙላቱ ተሾመ(ዶ/ር)

የኢትዮጵያ ፌዴራላዊ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሪፐብሊክ ፕሬዚዳንት


You can also get the full copy here: Draft Proclamation of Oromia Special Interest in Finfinnee/Addis Abeba

ክቡር ጠ/ሚኒስትር: “የእርስዎ ከሥልጣን መውረድ ለኢትዮጲያ ትልቅ ውለታ ነው!

Ethiopian Think Tank Group

ባለፈው ባወጣነው ፅሁፍ የፖለቲካ አመራር ብቃት የሌላቸው መሪዎች ለሀገር ሰላም፥ ልማትና ዴሞክራሲ “እንቅፋት” እንደሚሆኑ በዝርዝር ተመልክተናል። በመጨረሻም፣ በሀገራችን ወቅታዊ ፖለቲካ ላይ በግልፅ የሚስተዋለው ችግር የመልካም አስተዳደር ወይም የኪራይ ሰብሳቢነት ችግር ሳይሆን የፖለቲካ አመራር ብቃት ማነስ እንደሆነ በፅሁፉ ተጠቁሟል። ከዚህ አንፃር፣ “የኢህአዴግ መንግስት የፖለቲካ አመራር ብቃት እንዴት ይታያል?” የሚለውን በዚህ ፅሁፍ በዝርዝር እንመለከታለን።

በእርግጥ በሀገራችን ፖለቲካዊ ሁኔታ ላይ የሚሰጥ ማንኛውም ሃሳብና አስተያየት ከጭፍን ድጋፍ ወይም ተቃውሞ ስለሚቆጠር በአንድ ነገር ላይ በግልፅ ተነጋግሮ መግባባት አስቸጋሪ ነው። አሁንም ቢሆን ስለ ጠ/ሚ ኃ/ማሪያም ደሳለኝ አመራር ብቃት የግል አስተያየቴን ስሰጥ “የመንግስት ተቃዋሚ ስለሆነ ነው” መባሉ አይቀርም። ነገር ግን፣ እያንዳንዱ ኢትዮጲያዊ “ጠ/ሚ ኃይለማሪያም ደሳለኝ የፖለቲካ አመራር ብቃት አላቸው ወይስ የላቸውም?” የሚለውን ጥያቄ መጠየቅና ተገቢ የሆነ ምላሽ የማግኘት መብት አለው። ጥያቄው ስለ ግለሰቡ የግል ባህሪና ብቃት አይደለም። ከዚያ ይልቅ፣ የሕዝብን ሰላምና ደህንነት፣ የሀገርን ልማትና ዴሞክራሲ ከማረጋገጥ አንፃር የሕልውና ጥያቄ ስለሆነ ነው።    

በ2008 ዓ.ም መጋቢት ወር ላይ የመንግስታቸውን የስድስት ወር አፈፃፀም ለሕዝብ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤት ሪፖርት ሲያቀርቡ ጠ/ሚ…

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Eritrea’s Isaias Afewerki on OMN: Much ado about nothing

Wednesday April 19th 2017

By Zecharias Zelalem

Why did you bring these monkeys to the throne, this throne was supposed to be for lions!”

This was former guerrilla commander and current President of Eritrea, Isaias Afewerki in his most recent interview, a two parter in English on Ethiopia’s dissident Oromo Media Network (OMN). By monkeys, he was referring to the regime ruling Ethiopia for over two decades now. Upon the Eritrean President’s uttering of these and other statements that were sure to spite Ethiopia’s autocratic personalities, the two OMN interviewers crowed, obviously delighted to have obtained something that would be deemed as belittling of the EPRDF government.

It is the EPRDF government that resorted to using live ammunition to quell last year’s Oromo protest movement, resulting in the deaths of around a thousand people, mostly unarmed university and high school students.

OMN, seen by many as the media…

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Hyenas in the olden days and hyenas of our time

Tullu Liban
An Amharic proverb has it that once upon a time a hyena went to a foreign land where nobody knew him he was a carnivorous. They say the hyena told his hosts to get him a bed made of skin for the night. I think that hyena was so scrupulous and polite that he never tried to cheat the people who knew that he could never sleep on a bed made of skin. Thus, he left the people who knew him and tried to pretend he was a good guest in a foreign land.

Hyenas of our time are shameless. They are so rude when they cry wolf. They don’t understand the intelligence of the people who know them from day one of their birth to their adult age. Hyenas of our time eat everything even sacks let alone skins. And yet, they want to have a skin made bed for their nap. Everybody knows that they eat any bit of mattresses made of skins.

These are the TPLF hyenas and the OPDO foxes. In the tales, our parents told us foxes are servants of hyenas. They told us that foxes hunt for hyenas and eat the leftover when hyenas are full. This analogy works exactly for TPLF masters and OPDO servants.
OPDOs have no the slightest moral ground to brag about economic revolution and tell the public that the Oromo people are their only masters. ( Someone quoted Lemma Megerssa as saying in his speech at the 27th birthday anniversary of OPDO). No, no OPDO boys and oldies. Your master is TPLF. Your masters are not Oromos. There are uncountable evidences to justify this fact. Do you want to know some of your scandals?
Defend these ones if you can, though.

1. TPLF created you in Tigray and told you your birth place was Dherra in Oromia. You told the public for 24 years or so you were born at Dherra. For the reason your masters know (not you) they told you to retell the public you were born in Tigray. You did so. Shame on you!
2. TPLF told you, you are one of the coalition members in EPRDF and that you each would run endowments as TPLF, OPDO, ANDM and SPDM. You were told you would each rlook after Guna, Dinsho, Ambasael and Wondo in that order. For sure Dinsho died because the masters told you to kill it while Guna has grown to a multi-billion and multi-sector company. I doubt if Wondo had better destiny than Dinsho. Ambasel is in its death bed.
3. You were told that Fana Radio (which is now called Fana Broadcasting Corporate) was the property of the four “coalition” members (TPLF, OPDO, ANDM and SPDM). You have never been part of it and it remained to be the property of TPLF.
4. You were initially told and declared in your constitution that Finfinnee is the seat of Oromia state. Ten years later you were told by the masters to evacuate hurriedly from Finfinnee and camp in Adama disregarding protests of the Oromo people. You cracked down on Mecha and Tulama and failed at least to protest in unison with the Oromo people.
5. As part of the Oromo people’s protest against the move of Oromia seat from Finfinnee, Oromo students across the country demonstrated peacefully. Finfinnee University students were in the forefront. Your masters fired 320 Oromo students in a single day from the university, killed some and jailed others. The masters told you to endorse the action. Junedi Saddo, your head, proudly appeared on a TV screen and blessed the barbaric measure.
6. When CUD shook the TPLF government the masters ordered you via telephone to come back to Finfinnee. You immediately rushed back, without any precondition. Even you didn’t wait at least to nullify the law you had enacted to move to Adama.
7. You were told right after elections 2005 that there would be established 10 high schools in the ten sub cities of Finfinnee to teach in Afan Oromo and Abadula Gemeda put cornerstones in each of the places meant for the construction of the schools. Nothing has been materialized over 12 years.
8. In 2011 the So-called Oromo Development Association (ODA), a lame organization considered as a private property of AWAD Jibril bragged to mobilize 3 billion (three billion birr) in a telethon to undertake various development projects in Oromia. Many Oromo children were motivated by the rhetoric made by Mulugeta Debebe, then ODA president, that the dream would come true. However, your masters told you to stop such kind of effort in favor of the Renaissance Dam. You zipped your mouth. You remember that in 2010 Amhara Development Association collected 1 billion birr in a telethon for similar purpose.
9. From 2015 November to 2016 October Oromia was on fire. Still the region is on hidden fire. Your masters killed Oromo children, pregnant, elders and students. They ordered you to celebrate the killings. Muktar Kedir appeared, (then your head) on a TV screen and thanked the killers and appreciated the sniper bullets that hit heads and chests of our people.
10. Your masters deployed killing regiments in various peripheral parts of Oromia (South and East) in particular, under the guise of ethnic conflicts with the neighboring tribes. You know that tribes don’t have heavy weapons, military uniform and trucks to invade Oromia. Even your spokesperson Addisu Arega told the VOA Amharic news that the armed invaders in the south and the east are in military uniforms. You kept quiet.
So, how do you boast of economic revolution as if the Oromo people don’t know your role in the system you are serving? Lol I expect you to appropriately refute these facts. Don’t shout like empty vessel. If you can’t refute, don’t talk and brag nonsense.

Economic revolution? The chain is on the dog’s neck

By: Tullu Liban
Some people seem to be touched and thrilled by Lemma Megersa’s public tizzies. Indeed, Lemma talks Afan Oromo prettily and his verbose are quite attractive, though yet to be tested in action. Such glossy talks are not bad albeit the mix-up of OPDO’s pragmatic power limit and their confused world.

The fact speaks for itself, though. How come one expects economic or otherwise emancipation to come from an enslaved group? We don’t need any lecture on Oromo nationalism and economic marginalization from Lemma, for that matter. The level of Oromo self-consciousness is far way ahead than Lemma and co. would believe. We have had enough of them over years and no rhetoric can be a panacea for Oromo questions but action. The fact is that OPDO can bring neither economic nor political empowerment for the Oromo people given its obvious position in the power relations. They cannot because they are not made to do or be so. The very people who are caged in the nursery of TPLF; hived off from the people they are meant to represent, cannot liberate others before they do declare their own freedom. OPDOs (not the file and rank ones) are up in the line of politics so long they serve the interest of the masters who installed them. They are installed for a purpose. That purpose is to be an ensemble for TPLF interest in order that the latter could exploit resources of Oromia.

TPLF doesn’t want the Oromo people but their resources. Therefore, they don’t want to empower the people whom they are determined to loot indefinitely. They are not that naive to lose their grip over the resource they direly need. Thus, they don’t permit OPDOs to exercise a real power. If one believes OPDODs are exercising a real power in the Oromia leadership or in the fake federalism, one is simply foolish or far away from the tricks of Tigrian politics.
Lemma is not in the service of the Oromo people because he is not elected by free will of the people. He is an assignee of TPLF and his cabinet too. Where is the point then, that one hopes Lemma will bring about economic revolution for the Oromo people?
Lemma is instructed to deliberately speak up loudly picking up the language of honest Oromo elites: nationalism, marginalization, segregation, dehumanization etc. Yes, it seems the plan is hitting the target, it caught public attention for a moment; but couldn’t cool down public temper as it was supposed to.
TPLF emboldened Lemma Megerssa and Beker Shale to spark a dialogue to measure the thermometer of Oromo politics. In a way, TPLF will buy time, respire for a while, work out how to quell the next chapter of inevitable Oromo fight that bothers them day and night.
Those who are hoping OPDOs will change the powerline in Ethiopia’s politics are misleading themselves. OPDO is a handmade “speaking tool”. When the creators, the TPLF masters want them to speak, OPDOs speak nicely and loudly. When they are told to act, they will perform exceedingly. Don’t forget, the chain is on their neck, yet. To loosen a chain on the neck of one’s dog or tighten, fasten it, is not decided by the dog itself but by the owner. That is the situation in which the OPDO surrogates find themselves. If any change happens, in answering Oromo questions, it happens because of the irresistible smack TPLF gangs sustained because of the nonstop Oromo struggle.
Even amid the shocks it has experienced, TPLF still aspires to survive in the years to come. In 2020, TPLF will conduct another round of sham elections in Ethiopia. In the next elections, they want to cling to power by hook or crook. They deploy different tactics to achieve that dream. One of the tactics is addressing some of the Oromo questions. They may promote Afan Oromo as the second federal language, at least theoretically. They may enact a law on Oromia-Finfinnee relations, at least on paper. They may delegate regions to administer certain portions of the economy (with strict control of the center). All these cosmetic reforms will happen to legitimize the next survival of TPLF as a central powerhouse of the empire. As we can see preparations are underway in the name of political negotiation where Oromia is not represented. There will be some individuals in the name of opposition parties in the next parliament of TPLF (Tolessa Tesfaye, Lidetu Ayalew and Ayele Chamisso in mind) . And yet, the essence of the real power relations will remain under the full control of TPLF.
The whole effort of TPLF is now to finalize a groundwork to get a “pass grade” for the 2020 elections. Then, they will prepare another strategy for the 7th, 8th, 9th and 10th rounds to realize the 50 year Tigrian rule dream.
The thing is that OPDO protagonists like Lemma Megerasa, are in the TPLF utmost service so that the former could buy time for power perpetuation. Lemma and his OPDO are agents of TPLF in Oromia as we know them since their creation from POWs.
One must ask Lemma when he broadly opens his mouth about Oromo marginalization where he has been hitherto. He has been an active player, a forefront striker in effecting the marginalization process. One would not have been surprised if Lemma was a newcomer to the OPDO circle. However, it wouldn’t make any sense to hear his ostentatious rhetoric he himself being one of the persons in the enemy service by heart. For heaven’s sake, how dare the thoughts of Oromo economic empowerment came through Lemma’s revelation as if he has not been part and parcel of the system that made the Oromo people sustain the pains? Okay fine, now say they came to their sense to realize the pains, how can Lemma and his comrades reverse politically designed marginalizations under the slave-master relationship with TPLF?
If politics is not a magical activity or a divine business, in this real world of humans, there will be no economic empowerment without political empowerment. If the chain on the neck of OPDO was not in the palms of TPLF, one would hope to see changes in different life aspects as far as Oromia is concerned. But the remote control is not in the palms of the dogs; the masters do hold that chain; will they loosen the grip? No! They may let the dogs relax temporarily, not permanently.
In sum, we are sure whatever reform TPLF conducts in the name of OPDO or if OPDO does something good to answer a portion of Oromo questions, they do it not because they wished to do it nor OPDO dared to demand it. If the OPDO stooges had that ability, they could have materialized many of Oromo demands long ago. The harder we hammer them, the tight we press them, the more our dreams are achieved. They are not granting us our rights. We are gabbing them through struggle. Whatever benefit comes in favor of Oromia, we welcome them because they are the result of Oromo struggle, not a gift from the enemy. They are achieved by struggle thanks to our martyrs who shed their blood selflessly for the noble cause.

Adwa is a colonial war among competing Colonial Empires despite the participation of subject peoples as footsoldiers

By: Tsegaye Ararsa

Indians, Nigerians, Ghanaians fought both World Wars (one of which is a purely colonial-imperial war) under the British. Eritreans and Lybians fought WWII for Italy. Likewise, Africans and Caribbeans fought for the French. In each case, the wars weren’t fought for their freedom. They fought the white man’s war as colonial subjects. It took decades of struggle for decolonization before these subject peoples fought for freedom.

Adwa is a colonial war of the scramble for the horn of Africa. It was a war among whites and honorary whites. Many subject peoples, most of them in chains, were weaponized against the Italians.

In the end, colonialism was entrenched and legalized in the horn of Africa. Eritrea was officially ceded to Italy as their colony. In subsequent treaties, the British title over the territories of the Sudan, Kenya, and British Somaliland was readily accepted. The Italian title over Eritrea and Italian Somaliland was legally entrenched. The French got full title deeds, as it were, for 99 years over the French Somaliland.

These Menelikan colonialist adventures were the price of Abyssinian sovereignty as per the colonial international law of the time. Abyssinian sovereignty, sanctioned and sanctified by colonial international law of the time–meant “to civilize the African ‘savages'” in Ethiopia and beyond, included many subject peoples into the fold of the territory of what was officially Abyssinia until 1946.

Today, those who like to fetishize the Adwa moment tell us that Adwa is the victory of all Ethiopians because even subject peoples have fought in the war. This is an attempt to include the subject peoples into the fold of their Abyssinian imperial adventures in order to totalize their own experience of the Adwa glory as the experience of these subjects. It is a strategy of retrospective legitimation by inclusion, I understand. But including the otherwise excluded for the sake of legitimizing the hegemon is still exclusion. It is exclusion by inclusion.

Adwa is anything but an anti-colonial war. Adwa accepted, confirmed, appropriated, and amplified the first premises and the logic of European colonialism and implemented it in the horn of Africa with a more barbaric rigor effected through European rifles. As such, it was merely a local instantiation of what Kipling called “the white man’s burden”, albeit done by black bodies.

Adwa is anything but a black victory over a white colonizer. Adwa was a moment of self-hating denial of blackness. Nothing typifies this more than the emphatic Menelikan disavowal of his blackness when he was invited to be an honorary president of the global association for the improvement of the life of the “Negro”. By saying “I am not a Negro; I am Caucasian,” Menelik stipulated that he is “an honorary white man.” This stipulation, while assuming alliance and identification with white Europe (the “community of civilized nations”), also inaugurated the habasha racism that, to date, discounts blackness, devalues black culture and identity, and belittles the dignity of black persons and all darker skinned peoples. In a way, Adwa was the inaugural moment for the birth of racialized hierarchy between and among the peoples of Ethiopia.

Adwa is anything but an African triumph over global imperialism. It was in fact a moment that contributed to the subjugation of Africa–the horn region–to European colonialism. It was a local instantiation of the global imperial project of the “scramble for Africa.” Much to the dejection of genuine pan-Africanists, this happened by propagating the Ethiopian exceptionalism in Africa (claiming that it is an ancient state, that it was Judaic/semitic, that it was christian, that is was the second Zion, that it was ‘civilized’, etc). Consequently, the Adwa moment ushered in the notion that Abyssinia, is IN Africa but not OF Africa, is “African but not quite.”

And yet, I understand that there are people who are passionately attached to this moment because of the positive material and moral consequences the moment yielded for them. That is as it should be, because it is experienced by them as their moment of glory.

That does not mean that everyone experienced the moment in the same way. Nor does it mean that the same positive consequences accrued to us all in the same way.

Yes, numerous subject peoples took part in it. Some in chains, some free. Some were deployed at a leadership level owing to their skills of war. Notable names of Oromo or of other non-habasha descent may have adorned the list of fighters or war leaders. But that doesn’t make the war theirs. Nor does it make any less colonial, any less imperial, or any more African, or any blacker. That Ghanaians, Indians, or Nigerians fought for the Britain; that Eritreans, and Libyans fought for Italy; that Francophone West Africans, Caribbeans, or Algerians fought for the French made the world wars wars of freedoms for their subject peoples.

To not celebrate your party is not to stand against it. It only means that it is YOUR party, not ours.

If you can hear this voice of hesitation, maybe, therein you will also find the hope of your redemption, inclusion on the terms defined by the hitherto excluded.

If not, you will dance to your own chants alone. That is fine by us as long as you don’t ask us to dance to your chants. To be in the house isn’t exactly the same as being in the party.

PS. For the mindless and homeless political rascals: now go out and fetishize the Adwa moment like you always do, like you fetishize most everything Abyssinian alright. But don’t ask us to dance to your chants.

THE PEOPLES’ ADWA: The Imperative of Embracing Plural Interpretation

Tsegaye R. Ararssa

1 March 2016
Every year, when March is around the corner, Ethiopian social media activists start to be noisy. The defenders of Adwa as a phenomenal black history moment and the revisionists battle it out fiercely, often in a vulgar mode of exchange. Over the last two years, I have been observing this discussion between those who seek to promote the old narrative of state orthodoxy as the only and the universal meaning of Adwa and those who take a more sceptical stance seeking to show the darker sides that the Adwa moment signifies.

The following paragraphs were written in response to those who seek to impose on the Oromo this exhausted old narrative of the ideologically motivated imperial State Orthodoxy.

1.There are right reasons to celebrate the battle of Adwa. But to say Adwa is a black man’s war fought for securing the freedom of the people of the black race is celebrating the event for the wrong reason.

2.Truth be told, it was a colonial war fought among colonial empires, framed by rules of colonial international law, with a colonizing consequence for Africa.

3.It was a war fought between two maiden empires competing over the fate of black peoples in Ethiopia and beyond. This was clearly stated by the emperor himself several times, the emperor who also clearly denied that he is black, the emperor who rather mysteriously claimed to be Caucasian, the emperor who refused to identify with Afro-Americans and Haitians who saw him as one of their own and sought to salute him for his achievements at Adwa, the emperor who brutally murdered millions of black people, the emperor who personally owned over 70, 000 black slaves, the emperor who negotiated with white colonial powers on the fate of other black peoples (Eritreans, Djiboutians, Somalis, and the Sudanese) under white colonial rule.

4.To say Adwa is a pride of black people, therefore, is a distortion of historical truth and a gross misrepresentation of the man and the event.

5.To say that our people sacrificed, especially those of them who were in chains, to preserve a semblance of an African sovereignty; to commemorate the lives lost in that war and to honor the sacrifices thereof is the right reason to celebrate it. As someone whose forefathers have paid dearly for this and for the subsequent fascist war, I feel the pain, I share the loss, and I honor their sacrifice.

6.As I honor their sacrifice and commemorate and celebrate the lives of the many black bodies lost there, I speak the truth, the whole truth, and stick only to the truth.

7.To my compatriots who insist that we should celebrate it for the wrong reason, I insist in telling you the truth, the raw truth, especially on the issues we disagree strongly.

Doing this is paying a proper tribute to the agony and anguish of those who lived and died in chains to defend a state that left them outside of the polity. To do this is a sacred duty, a civic duty, an act of loyalty–even to the state that is formed on my forefathers’ graves.

This is an act of sacrifice, as I am fully aware of the past and present reality of rejection in Ethiopia, completely cognizant of its violent beginnings and violent bearings in the present, totally imbued with faith in redemption, and immensely driven by the almost impossible hope of transformation, even of transfiguration.

To those of you who don’t see the gibberish in the incoherence of, and the irony in, the Menelikan claim to be (an honorary) whiteman but think I am making a gibberish (you know who you are!);

To those of you who claimed that we prefer an Italian colonial rule to an Abyssinian one (almost all of you in the Menelikan fetish camp have said it!);

To those of you who–being the children and grandchildren of bandas and the shumbash–came out to whitewash yourself by calling me names such as banda (and you know who you are!!!);

To those of you who, because of historical misinformation–via political and cultural propaganda such as songs by Gigi, Tedy Afro and essays by Bewketu, and a self-conscious and yet a romanticizing film produced by Professor Haile Gerima, etc– to those of you who could not distinguish the right from the wrong reasons for celebrating the event as a result;

For you, I have only pity.

But I like to restate to you in the strongest possible terms that I come from a people of hope and redemption.

I note the fractured beginnings of the state.

I note its violent inauguration.

I note its deficits of pan-Africanism (which is still the reason that Ethiopia is IN Africa but not OF Africa).

I note the Ethiopian State’s imperial and colonial beginnings.

I note all of its ‘original constitutional sins’.

And I will openly tell you about it.

I will be happy to engage you in a conversation in public or private.

In fact, I encourage a deeper public conversation on the matter. Yes, a deeper national conversation that is long overdue. (This might also help us develop a sense of ‘ethical listening,’ a sense of agonistic listening, to each other as a polity.)

And I do so because I believe in the hope of transformation. I believe in the hope of going beyond and above those inaugural wounds. I believe in building a better future in spite of, and BECAUSE OF, those wounds. I believe in the transfiguration of society.

I will also tell you what I won’t do:

I will not pamper you.

I will not come to you with half-truths.

I will not mystify the objective truth.

I will not shrink the meaning of the event or the historical figures into one and only one. I insist on multiple interpretations of Adwa and all other historical events in Ethiopia. I insist on multiple popular interpretations.

I will not regurgitate and reproduce the state orthodoxy of the past as the truth or the one and only interpretation of historical truths.

For far too long, we have seen historical narratives told to us ex cathedra.

For far too long, the voices, the stories, and the narratives of peoples have been suppressed.

For far too long, your grand narratives have ignored, silenced, and erased the voices of the peoples–especially the voices of the frontier peoples (the peoples who were never people in the democratic–the demos–sense of the term).

Also, I will not flatter you, especially if the truth refuses to flatter you. I won’t spare you from my wrath if you come and write a gibberish, or, even worse, your insults (as most of you are bent on doing). I promise you: I will return the compliment in kind, or I will block you.

If you want a civil conversation, I welcome you (especially if you are willing to do your part of the home work).

To the people of hope, to the people of redemption, to the people that were not ‘people’ in the past, I say:

YOU HAVE COME A LONG WAY, EVEN TO THE MOUNT OF ADWA (for no gain or glory). You have survived darker days. You shall survive these ones, too.

As we resist the present abuse, we also resist a hegemonic discourse that fetishizes the cause of all our ills into a benign state orthodoxy.

Resist we will, in part because, to do so has now become our (unchosen) way of life.

Resist we will, because for some of us, it has now become a way of being in the world.

And we will do so in truth. … Told in love. … Told with an undying hope.

Happy celebration of the peoples’ Adwa…and, for once, a celebration for the right reason.
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