ትንሽ ወንድማዊ ምክር እንድለግሳችሁ ፍቀዱልኝ። ላለፉት 26 ዓመታት ያሳለፋችሁት የባርነት ዘመን ሕሊና ላለው ሰው እጅግ የሚሰቀጥጥ ነው። በሌላችሁ ስልጣን ስልጣን እንዳላችሁ፣ በሌላችሁ ክብር ክብር እንዳላችሁ፣ ባልተሳተፋችሁበት ትግል እንደታገላችሁ ተነግሯችሁ፣ ጄኔራል ሳትሆኑ ጄኔራል ተብላችሁ፣አምባሳደር ሳትሆኑ አምባሳደር ተብላችሁ፣ መሪ ሳትሆኑ ፕሬዚዳንት ተብላችሁ፣ ሳትማሩ ድግሪ ተሰጥቷችሁ ለወያኔ መጫወቻ አሻጉገሊት ሆናችሁ ኖራችኋል። ወያኔ ከአባታችሁ ቤት በአካፋ እየዛቀ ሲዘርፍ እናንተ በማንኪያ ትንሽ ብትሰርቁ ሙስና ሰርታችኋል ብሎ እያሸማቀቃችሁ ጥባጥቤ ተጫውቶባችኋል። ወያኔዎች ሰማይ ጠቀስ ፎቅ እየሠሩ እናንተ መጠነኛ መኖሪያ ቤት ስትሠሩ በግምገማ እሳት ላይ ጥደውአችኋል። መቼም ህሊናችሁንም የኦሮሞንም ህዝብ መዋሸት አትችሉም። በየትኛውም መስሪያቤት አንድ ቀጭን ትግሬ ካለ የቱንም ያህል እውቀት ቢኖራችሁ፣ የቱንም ያህል በሥልጣን ተዋረድ የባላይ ብትሆኑ ውሳኔ ሰጭው ትግሬው እንደሆነ ታውቃላችሁ። ይህን የበታችነት ደረጃ አሜን ብላችሁ ይህን ውርደት ተሸክማችሁ ሩብ ምዕተ ዓመት ኖራችኋል። መቼም ሕሊና ላለው ሰው ይሄ ያማል።
የትልቅ ህዝብ ተወካይ ነኝ የሚል ሰው በአባልባሌ ተራ ማይም ትግሬ ሲናቅና እንደ አሽከር ሲላላክ ያማል። ጥሩ ለብሳችሁ አጊጣችሁ ይሆናል። ጥሩ መኪና ነድታችሁ ይሆናል። ጥሩ መኖሪያ ቤት ገንብታችሁ ይሆናል። ዳሩ ምን ያደርጋል ይህ ሁሉ እርግማን ይሆንባችኋል። ባዶነታችሁን ያሳበቅባችኋል። የደም ሀብት ነው። አላፊ አዱኛ ነው። ይህ ሁሉ ሆኖ አሁን የነጻነት ጎህ የቀደደ ይመስላል። ዕድሜ ለኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ትግል እናንተም ነጻ የምትወጡበት ጊዜ ሩቅ አይሆንም። አደራችሁን ካሁን በኋላ በኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ትግል ፊት እንዳትቆሙ። እናንተ ስላተዋረዳችሁት፣ ራሳችሁም አንሳችሁ ስላሳነሳችሁት፣ አልባሌ ሆናችሁ በአልባሌ ቡድን ስላስጠቃችሁት እንጂ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከኦነግ ጋር አልቆረበም። ኦነግ የኦሮሞን ህዝብ የልብ ትርታ ስላወቀ ጥያቄዎቹን ጥያቄው ስላደረገ ነው መንፈስ ሆኖ የቀጠለው።ኦህዴድ ነኝ ማለት የሚያሳፍራችሁ የሠራችሁት ነውር ስራ አፍ አውጥቶ ስለሚናገር ነው። ኦነግ መባል በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ዘንድ ያስብከር እንደሆን እንጂ አፍሳሮ አያውቅም። እናንተው የገደላችኋቸው አንድ የመንዲ አዛውንት ያሉትን ልንገገራችሁ። የናንተው ነፍሰ ገዳዮች ያዟቸውና “እርስዎ ምግብ እያመላለሱ ኦነግን ጫካ ውስጥ ይቀልባሉ ” አሏቸው። ቆፍጣናው አባትም “እውነት ነው ለአንበሶቹ ስንቅ አመላልሳለሁ። ውሻ ግን አልቀልብም። እስቲ ውሻ ሆነህ ለጌቶችህ እመንደር ውስጥ ከምታድነኝ አንበሳ ሁንና ጫካ ግባ እንደማልቀልብህ ታያለህ” አሏቸው። ግን ውሾቹ በሏቸው።
ኦነግ ኖረም አልኖረ የኦሮሞን የሀገር ባለቤትነት፣ የሥልጣን ባለቤትነት፣ ሰላምና ብልጽግና ለማስመለስ የተጋ ሁሉ ክብርና ሞገስ አለው። አሁን በመጨረሻ ሰዓትም ቢሆን ይህ ዕድል እንዳያመልጣችሁ። የፈሪ ሞት ሳይሆን የጀግና ሞት ሙቱ። ለዓመት በዓል ዋዜማ ዶር አብይ አህመድ አንድ ልብ የሚነካ ንግግር አድርጎ ነበር። “ሁላችንም እንሞታለን ሞት አይቀርምና”ነው ያለው ባልሳሳት። አዎን ሞት አይቀርም። ጄኔራል ታደሰ ብሩ ከናንተ የተሻለ ሀብት፣ ማዕረግ፣ ክብርና ሞገስ ነበራቸው። ከወገናቸው ክብር ግን አልበለጠባቸውም። ብዙዎቹ በእስር ቤት የሚማቅቁት፣ የሞቱት እና የተሰዱደት እንናንተ የምኖሩትን ኑሮ ቢፈልጉ ኖሮ በሩ ሰፊ ነበር። እስቲ አሁን ለሕሊና መኖር ጀምሩ። እናንተ ማገር ሆናችሁ ባትይዙት ግድግዳ ሆናችሁ ባትደግፉት እኮ እንኳን በላያችሁ ላይ ጥሬ አሩን ሊያራና ወያኔ ወይ ተጠራርጎ ከኦሮሚ ይወጣል ወይ በናንተ ተርም ቀጥ ብሎ ይኖራል። መንገዱ እኮ ቀላል ነው። እናንተ በፌዴራል ምክር ቤት 190 መቀመጫ አላችሁ። በኦሮሚያ ጉዳይ ላይ ያለ ፍርሃት ድምጻችሁን አውጥታችሁ ተከራከሩ። ኦሮሚያን የሚጎዳ ውሳኔ ሊተላለፍ ሲል በድምጻችሁ ውድቅ አድርጉት። የማይስማማችሁ አሠራር ሲኖር ከፌዴራል ሥርዓቱ ለመውጣት እንደምትገደዱ ለሕዝባችሁ በግልጽ ተናገሩ።
የኦሮሚያ ምክር ቤት በምትሉት ስብሰባ በክልላችሁ ጉዳይ ማንንም ሳታስፈቅዱ ውሳኔ ስጡ። ለወያኔ ይህ የኛ ጉዳይ ነው በሉት። ምን ሲሆን ነው የትሬው አፍሮ ጽዮን የናንተን የባህል ማዕከልና ጽ/ቤት የሚገነባው? ለዚያውም ከደረጃ በታች፤ ከውሉ ውጭ። ኦሮሚያ ዲዛይነርናኮንትራክተር የለውም? ለምንድነው የኦሮሚያ ውሃ ስራዎች ድርጅት ስራ ፈቶ እያለ በኦሮሚያ ውስጥ የሚሠሩ የውሃ ልማት ሥራዎች ለትሬው ሳባ ኮንስትክራሽን የሚሰጡት? እስከ መቼ ነው የመከላከያ ጃኔራሎች ስብጥር 99 ከመቶ በትግሬ የሚያዘው? እስከ መቼ ነው የደህንነት መስሪያቤቱ በትግሬ የሚዘወረው? እስከ መቼ ነው ቁልፍ የፏይናንስ ተቋማቱና ትልልቅ ካፒታል አንመጭ ተቋማት ለምሳሌ የኢትዮጵያ አየር መንገድ፣ ቴሌሙንኬሽን፣ ጉምሩክ፣ የኢትዬጵያ መንገዶች ባለሥልጣን ወዘተ የትግሬ የግል ንብረት የሚሆኑት? መቼ ነው ትልልቅ ካምኒዎች የአላሙድ የወርቅ ማምረቻ ጭምር ለኦሮሚያ ግብር የሚከፍሉት? ኦህዴዶች፤ ወይ መሆን ነው ወይ አለመሆን ነው ምርጫችሁ። የፊንፊኔ ጉዳይና የአፋን ኦሮሞ ጉዳይ ገና ጊዜ የማይሰጠው የቤት ሥራ ነው። የህዝባችንን መፈናቀልና ጥቃት ያስከተለው የድንበር ጉዳይ የምትተኙበት የቤት ሥራ አይደለም። አሁኑኑ እልባት ማግኘት አለበት 26 ዓትመ ሙሉ ስትተኙ ከርማችሁ አሁን ማጣፊያ ሊያጥራችሁ ነው። መቼም ታረጉታላሁ ብለን አይደለም። ትልቅ የበታችነት የሥነ ልቦና በሽታ አለባችሁና። ከሰማችሁ ስሙ ህዝባችንን አስታቁት እንጂ ትጥቁን አታስፈቱት። አዲስ አብባ ያለ ትግሬ ሳይርቀ በነፍስ ወከፍ እየታጠቀ ኦሮሞ በራሱ ገንዘብ የገዛውን ትጥቅ ለምንድነው የሚፈታው። ስሙማ በደርግ ጊዜም ቢሆን ትጥቁን እንዲፈታ የተገደደው የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ብቻ ነው። ጁነዲ ሳዶ በሥልጣን ዘመኑ ከ200 ሽህ ህዝብ በላይ ትጥቅ በስማፈታት ታሪክ ይቅር የማይለው ስህተት ሠርቷል። ዛሬ ህዝባችን ለአብዲ ኢሌ ጥቃት የተጋለጠው ትጥቅ ስለሌለው ነው።
እኔ ልምከራችሁ ወያኔ ጠፍሮ የሚያስራችሁ አብዮታዊ ዲሞክራሲ፣ ዲሞክሲዊ ማዕከላዊትነና ግምገማ በሚባሉ የታወቁ ገመዶቹ ነው። በዚህ ጠልፎ ይጥላችኋል። ይህንን በቃን በሉት። እናንተ አትገመግሙንም በሏቸው።ዴሞራሲያዊ ማእከላዊነት የሚባለውን ሰውን እንደ ግዑዝ የፓርቲ ቁሳቁስ የሚቆጥረውን የሶሸሊስት አስተሳሰብ ከዛሬ ጀምሮ በቃን በሏቸው። በኢህአዲግ ማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴና በሥራ አስፈጻሚ ኮሚቴው ውክልናችሁ በምትወክሉት ህዝብ መጠን እንዲሆን ተከራሩና አስወስኑ። ይህን ለማድረግ ከወሰናችሁ ህዝባችሁ ከጎናችሁ አለ። ይህን ካላደረጋችሁ የተለመደ የተላላኪነት ሥራችሁን እየሠራችሁ ህዝባዊ ማዕበሉ ጠራርጎ ይወስዳችኋል። አሟሟታችሁም የውሻ ሞት ይሆናል። ፍጠኑ ጊዜ የላችሁም። ጨረስኩ። ልቦና ይስጣችሁ።
You can hate him passionately. In deed, it is evident that, while his supporters love him with passion, his detractors hate him with an equivalent or more passion. Hate him, you may. But you can’t ignore him. If you are an observer of the Oromo and/or Ethiopian political developments, what you can’t do is to ignore Jawar S. Mohammed.
Having survived the most stringent of public scrutiny (virtually living his life in front of the relentless gaze of the media), Jawar Mohammed remains to be the one person in the Oromo and/or Ethiopian public life who continues to ignite and sustain the (political) passion of the youth in Ethiopia today, especially among the Oromo.
Jawar loves taking risks. His courage to take risks and to thrive in their midst, unusual as it is for most politically engaged personalities from Ethiopia, makes him rather uncommon. In taking risks, he also commits himself to the possibility of making mistakes. He may make mistakes and may do so rather frequently. In fact, he does make mistakes. (Who doesn’t?) He may be excoriated for his mistakes (sometimes fairly, sometimes unfairly). He may even be emotionally bruised at times (when the criticism goes to the extent of disfiguring him, his cause, or even his family). But what you don’t find Jawar doing is a retreat.
What he can’t do is retreat in the face of opposition. Every day, he seems to be pushing and pushing and pushing himself to achieve something for his people. Achieve, he did. Perhaps, his achievements of the last five years alone are too numerous to recount on this platform.
As a fellow traveler on this journey (and as a compatriot and a friend), I ‘see’ Jawar at work every day. Beyond the daily routine, I see him as someone who tries to contribute his bit to the Oromo struggle for emancipation and to leave a mark on his people’s inexorable journey to victory. As we can all see, he has already made what is arguably the most important contribution to the resistance movement of recent years (eg, #OromoFirst, #OMN, #OromoProtets,#GrandOromoRally, #OromoRevolution #OLC, #LagannaaGabaa, etc, etc). The unprecedented successes of boycotts of the last few weeks and the ongoing stay-at-home protests are in part the result of his work on and offline, on social and conventional media outlets. That is why he is a phenomenon in the Oromo and/or Ethiopian politics of recent years. Yes, it is tough to be him and to not make mistakes. But there is no gainsaying that he is quite a presence, a force to reckon with. It comes as no surprise that the regime in Ethiopia seeks to make him one of the victims of its legal violence by prosecuting him, in absentia, “for inciting terrorism.”
To those who love to hate Jawar as a proxy for what he represents and stands for (as an Oromo), I would like to say, he is one of the best things that happened to Oromos, Ethiopians, and their politics. Yes, even to his detractors, he is the best thing that happened to them, albeit they don’t even know it. In this, he is like the entirety of the Oromo nation, which–even at its worst–is the best thing that “happened” to Ethiopia, although Ethiopia didn’t know it.
Weeyraraa “Liyuu Poolisiin” Mootummaa Naannoo Somaalee Biyyaa Oromoo fi Ummataa Oromoo irraatti Geessisaa Jiru Daddaffiin Dhaabuf Waamichaa ADO Ummataa Oromoo fi Humnoota Oromoo Maraaf:
Bara sadeen dabaran kana keessa akka argaa jirrutti abjuun Somaaliyaa Guddittii (Greater Somalia) dhugoomsuu ykn daangaa naannoo Somalia baldhifachuu, gargaarsa mootummaa TPLFn hogganamuun dhugoomaa akka jiru ifaa dha. Akka beekamutti imammaanni lafaa Somalee baldhifachu mootummaa Ziyaad Barreen eegale. Abjuun Somaaliyaa Guddittii kun yaada ummata Afaan Somaalee dubbatu, kan Itoophiyaa, Kenyaa fi Jibuutii keessa jiraatan hunda mootummaa Somaaliyaa Guddittii keessatti walitti qabuu fi lafaa naannoo sana dhuunfachuu ture.
Abjuun kun imaammata Oromoota Kutaalee Harargee Bahaa fi Dhihaa, Baalee, Arsii, Gujii fi Booranaa lafa isaanii wajjiin humna waraanaatiin weeyraruun qabatee, Somaaliyaa Gudditti ti dabaluun ummatoota Oromoo kanneeniif maqaa Somaalee Abboo jedhuu baasuun Somaalessuu fi gabroomsuu ture. Loolli bara 1977 keessa Somaleen Itoophiyaa irratti bantee ture, loola abjuu kana dhugoomsuuf jalqabame ture. Loolli kun injifannoo Mootummaa Itoophiyaa yeroo saniin hobba’e. Lollii sun diigamiinsa biyya Somaalyaaf hanga tokko sababaas ture. Somaaliyaan biyya Oromoo kutachuun gabbachuu fi bal’achuu barbaaddee lola ofii kaafteen moohamnaan ofiif walitti gargaltee wal diigde.
Lolli mootummaa Somaaliyaa fi Itoophiyaa gidduuti ture sun, lola Oromoo fi mootummaa Ziyaad Barree jidduu ittis tahe ture. Qabsaawoonni Oromoo, hooggantotaa fi miseensota turan, weeyrara lafaa babal’fachuu fi Oromoo Somaalessuun/gabroomsuu san kutannoon dura dhaabbatan. Dhiiga qabsaawota Oromoo hedduutu biyyaaf, kabajaa fi mirga Oromoo weeyraartuu Somaliyaa irraa tiksuutti dhangala’e. Fashaluu weeyrara Somaaliyaa bara 1977 saniif qabsaawonni Oromoo qooda seenaan hin irraanfanne gumaachan.
Lafaa ummata Oromoo kutanii Somaaliyaaf dabaluun ammallee bifa jijjiiratee eergamtoota TPLFn itti fufe jira. Weeyrara/lola tokkummaa ummata Oromoo fi lafaa Oromoo irratti xiyyaafatee deemaa jiru kana Oromoon hundi tokkummaan dura dhaabbachuu fi fashalsuu qaban. Wareegama bilisummaa fi kabajaan Oromoo, tokkummaan lafaa Oromoo gaafatu hunda kafallee dura dhaabachuun abjuu Somaaliyaa Giddittii bifa harayaa kana hoongessuu qabna. Abbaan dhimmaa Oromoo dha, dhimma waloo fi jireenyaa kana irratti waliin dhaabachuun dirqama lammummaa ti. Hubannoo kana irraa ka’uun ADO waamichaa qabsoo kanaa gadii ummataa fi humnoota qabsoo bilisummaa hundaa fi saba Oromoof goodha:
1. Jaarmayoonni siyaasaa fi Hawaasummaa ummataa (civic) Oromoo hatattamaan walgeenye weeyrara namaa fi lafaa Oromoo irratti baname kana dhaabuuf marii fi murtiilee babrbaachisuu irraa akka geenyu waamicha lammummaa isiniif goona. Yoo dhimma bilisumaa fi tokkummaa lafa Oromoo weeyrara irraa tiksuu irratti waliif hin galle, maal irratti waliif galla? Yoo amma waliif hin galle; yoom waliif galla?
2. Jaarmayni siyaasaa fi Hawaassa kan mootummaa Itoophiyaa/TPLFn hogganamuu wajjiin hojjachaa jirtan, humna ummataa Oromoo weeyrarsiisaa fi lafa Oromoo alagaaf dabarsee kennuuf Oormoon lolaa jiru wajjiin hojjachaa jirachuu keessan beekaa. Humna dhiiga Oromoo dhangalaasaa fi dhangalaasisaa jiru wajjiin hojjachaa jirtu. Goochi kun gaaftama seena jala isin hin baassu. Yoo midhaan fi dararaan sabaa Oormoo irraa gahaa jiru kan isinitti dhagayaamu tahe, Caafeen Oromiyaa, OPDOn fi Humani warraana Mootumaa Naannoo Oromiyaa tarkaanfi hattamaa fudhachuun, weeyrara ummataa fi lafaa Oromoo irratti baname kana fashalsuun, bilisummaa Oromoo fi tokkummaa lafaa Oromoo tiksuun, ummata keessan bira karaa hundaan akka dhaabbatan waamicha isiniif goona.
3. Oromoonni humna waraanaa, humna tikaa fi humnoota adda addaa mootummaa TPLF keessa jirtan hundi akka ummata Oromoo bira dhaabbattanii fi bilisummaa Oromoo fi tokkumaa lafaa Oromootif loltan waamicha isiniif goona.
4. Yaa ummata Oromoo! Akka ummatoota adunyaa hunddatti, biyyaa fi lafaa kee irratti bilisummaa, kabajaa fi nagayaan jiraachuuf mirga guutuu qabda. Diinni sitti heddumaatu fi roorroon sitti jabaattulee, booddee injnifannoon kee akka tahu hin shakkin. Tokkummaan mirgootaa fi kabajaa namoomaa keeti fi Oromiyaarraa diina kaassuf waan qabdu hundaan ka’u malee malii biraa akka hin jirre hubattee, qabsoo bilisummaa, kabajaa namoomaa, fi mirga abbaa biyyummaa kee deeffachuuf itti jirtu caalaa akka fininsitu waamicha siif goona. Qabsoon kee qabsoo haqaati; hamma bilisummaatti itti fufi!
5. Ummatoota Itoophiyaa hundaaf: Weeyrarii gargaarsa mootummaa TPLFn Oromiyaa fi Oromoo irratti baname kun, weeyrara Itoophiyaa fi saboota biyyaattii hunda irratti baname tahu hubadhu. Weeyrarii ar’a Oromoo irraatti baname kun sirraattis akka banaame hubattee ummataa Oromoo waliin ka’un weeyrara Somaaliyaa Gudditti ijaaruuf deemu kana dura dhaabachuun, wabii bilisummaa keetii fi biyya keetiif dhaabachuu qabda. Guyyaa rakkoo waliin dhaabbachuun hegeree keenya hundaa tolcha waan taheef, Oromoof dirmadhu; mirgaa fi kabajaa keetiif, biyaaf dirmadhu waamicha jedhu isiniif goona.
6. Hundeen ykn maddii rakoo ummatootaa biyya Itoophiyaa hundaa mootummaa cunqursaa TPLF ti. Hanga mootummaan TPLF aango mootummaa Itoophiyaa dhunfatee jirutti, rakkoon ummata hunda hudhee jiru kun fala hin argatu. Tanaaf jecha, weeyrara “Liyuu Poolisii” Mootummaa Naannoo Somaalee fashalsuu fi mootummaa TPLF hiddaan buqqisuuf ummatoonni hundi tokkummaan harka walqabatanii akka fincilan waamicha seenaa goona.
Bilisummaa fi Haqani Hundaaf!
Adda Demokaraatawaa Oromoo (ADO)
August 22, 2017
The Oromo people are protesting again:
1) To defend and protect their children and their leaders from the attack, arrest, and killings by the Ethiopian government security forces,
2) To protect their land from Addis Ababa based and foreign land grabbers and land thieves, and take back their land from these land grabbers,
3) To force the Ethiopian government to make Afaan Oromo the working language of the federal government to end the political, economic and social exclusion of the Oromo people in Ethiopia,
4) To force the Ethiopian government restore the status of unlawfully separated and stolen Oromia cities including Addis Ababa, Dire Dawa, Harar and Moyale under the Oromia National Regional Administration,
5) To force the Ethiopian government to accept the self-administration rights of the Oromo people by ending the current indirect rule of TPLF/EPRDF in Oromia,
6) To force the Ethiopian government to accept the legitimate rights of the Oromo people to have their fair power and resources share in the federal government, and
7) Last but not least, the Oromo people are protesting to force the Ethiopian government to immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners including Dr. Merera Gudina, Mr. Bekele Gerba and Mr. Yonatan Tesfaye.
Over the last two years of the #OromoProtests, Ethiopian government did nothing to address any of the demands of the Oromo people. This is a very serious mistake on the part of the regime that prefers to despise and belittle the civilized power of the Oromo people.
Ethiopia will descend into chaos and instability if the Ethiopian government continue giving blind eyes and deaf ears to the demands of the people.
All Ethiopia’s development and security partners who observe the civilized and non-violent demands of the Oromo people must advise and pressure this unresponsive government to address each and every demand of the Oromo people.
Teediroos Adaanoom muuxannoo fokkisaa hacuucaa sirna ABUT (TPLF) keessatti horate gara sadarkaa hoggansa olaanaa Dhaabbata Fayyaa Addunyaa (WHO) fudhatee dhaqeera. Daawwanna inni Yamanitti godhuuf jedhu dura baqattoonni Oromoo Dhaabbata Fayyaa Addunyaaf (WHO) Yaman keessa hojjechaa turan (waggaa 1-8 kanneen hojjetan) qabamanii hidhamaniiru. Duraa duubni haalaa qabamuu hojjetoota Oromoo WHO kan biyya Yaman keessaa akkaata armaan gadiitti tarreeffameera.
1. Gaafa Adoolessa 22, erga hogganaan haaraa WHO sochii fi dalagaalee damee WHO kan biyya Yaman daawwata jedhamee himamee guyyoota muraasa booda, hojjettoonni Oromoo dhabbatichaa, hoggantu isaaniitiin akka isaan Muummee Immigireeshinii Yamaniin brbaadaman haala tasgabbi qabuun itti himte. Akkasumas, gara muummee immigireeshinii dhaquun isaanii, sababa kamiifuu haa barbaadamanii, hoji fi nageenya isaanii irratti rakkina akka hin uumne amansiiste.
2. Haaluma kanaan, gaafa Adoolessa 22,hojjettoonni arfanuu konkolaata WHOtiin ( akkan odeeffadhetti) gara muummee Immigireeshinii Yaman geessamani…yeruma sana bakka sanatti qabamni. Amma erga hidhamanii guyyoota afur ta’eera.
3. Hiriyyoonni fi maatiin isaan daawwatan akka jedhanitti arfanuu daraaramaa jiru.
4. Namoota qabaman keessaa inni tokko akka jedhutti, lammiileen Itoophiyaa Yaman keessa WHOf hojjatan jiru, garuu kan qabaman hojjetoota Oromoo ta’an qofa dha.
5. Maqaan namoota yeroo ammaa kana mana hidhaa Yaman keessatti dararamaa jiranii:
A. Jamaal Ahimad
B. Hasan Fayisoo Badhaasoo
C. Shaamiil Daloo
D. Musaa Jamaal Husaa
(Maxxansa Feesbuukii Girmaa Gutamaa irra gara Afaan Oromootti kan hiikame)
ባለፈው ዓመት “ኦሮሚያን ለአመፅ፣ አዲስ አበባን ለቆሻሻ የዳረገች አንቀፅ” በሚል ርዕስ አንድ ፅሁፍ አውጥቼ ነበር። በፅኁፉ የሕገ-መንግስቱ አንቀፅ 49(5) ተግባራዊ አለመደረጉ ለተጠቀሱት ችግሮች ምክንያት መሆኑን ይዘረዝራል። በዚህ አመት በሕገ-መንግስቱ አንቀፅ 49(5) መሰረት የኦሮሚያ ክልልን ልዩ-ጥቅም ለመወሰን የቀረበውን ረቂቅ አዋጅ ተከትሎ የውዝግቡ ጡዘት ከርሯል። ከሰሞኑ በኦሮሞ ልሂቃን ዘንድ እየተነሳ ያለው ጥያቄ “አዲስ አበባ የኦሮሚያ አካል ናት” የሚል ነው። “ይህ ጥያቄ ከሕገ-መንግስቱ አንፃር እንዴት ይታያል” የሚለውን የዘርፉ ምሁራን ትንታኔ ሊሰጡበት ይችላሉ። ይህ ፅሁፍ ግን ጥየቄውን ከመሰረታዊ የመብት መርህ አንፃር ያለውን አንድምታ ይዳስሳል።
ከሦስት አመታት በፊት በኦሮሚያ ክልል አመፅና ተቃውሞ ሲነሳ “የአዲስ አበባ ማስተር ፕላን ይቁም” በሚል እንደነበር ይታወሳል። በዚህ መልኩ የተጀመረው የፖለቲካ ንቅናቄ ዛሬ ላይ “አዲስ አበባ የኦሮሚያ አካል ናት” ወደሚለው ተቀይሯል። ይህ እንዴት ሊሆን እንደቻለ ለማወቅ በቅድሚያ ከአመፅና ተቃውሞ በስተጀርባ ያለውን መሰረታዊ ምክንያት መረዳት ያስፈልጋል።
በመሰረቱ፣ አዲስ አበባ ከአመሰራረቷ ጀምሮ በዙሪያዋ ካለው የኦሮሞ ማህብረሰብ ጋር ያላት ግንኙነት ኢ-ፍትሃዊ ነበር። ለብዙ አመታት ከተማዋ በዙሪያዋ ያለውን የኦሮሞ አርሶ-አደር ወደጎን እየገፋችና ከመሬቱ እያፈናቀለች…
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By Tullu Liban
It is unfortunate that our mind is preoccupied now and then with TPLF generated ridicules. It seems we are yet to be overwhelmed much by such anecdotes. However, incumbent on us to fight it back. Intrigues after intrigues are designed by the regime to constrict its grip on our fate, though we can’t afford to concede, no matter what it takes.
A month ago, authorities in Finfinnee dispatched a draft document meant to provide for a “Special Interest of Oromia over Finfinnee”( to check the heartbeat of our people?). When they learned, they were bombarded with a storm of criticism, they denied that they were the source of the document. OPDOs could have benefited from the discussions Oromo intellectuals made if they were smart enough. Their failure to stand up to this very perilous draft act is a litmus paper for OPDOs to prove whether their true masters are the Oromo people or the TPLF oligarchies.
Having said so, let’s look at the so-called draft law. Even though a comprehensive account of the so-called “Special Interest” proclamation is yet to emerge, summary of the draft law has already been presented in the statement of the Council of Ministers and the points raised here are based on the statement released to the media. The following fundamental points are clear indicators that the said draft law is useless and unacceptable as far as Oromia interest over Finfinnee is concerned.
1. Finfinnee is a legitimate land of Oromia; thus, it should be solely or jointly governed by the Oromia state. This enables Oromia to design and execute whatever comes thereof as its benefit. There is no mention of this crucial point.
2. Oromia should get a share from revenues generated from its land. The draft law doesn’t guarantee this essential right.
3. From the very outset, the draft proclamation presupposes that eviction of Oromo farmers will continue under a pretext of development. Who will define the so-called development? Is investment synonymous with development? Why the farmers can’t be shareholders in the investment ventures as providers of the major component for investment-their land? Who are the developers after all? Settler Evictors? When and where does Finfinnee stop growing horizontally? Why does it still yawn to swallow the surrounding farm lands?
4. Where is the demarcation between Finfinnee and Oromia? How can the two administrations talk about delimiting their territories when the law fails to provide for border delimitation?
5. Finfinnee is surrounded by Oromia farmlands. Therefore, it should stop damping garbage on Oromo land and polluting blood vein water sources of the Oromo farmers. The so-called draft law, envisages to continue with this sore practice albeit containing calming verbose. Who decides, what when how and where to dispose Finfinnee waste? Due to these 5 main reasons among others, the draft law is distasteful and trash.
Unless theses fundamental questions are answered, there will be no Oromia interest is served in Finfinnee and the deadlock will continue between Oromia and the capital city. The fight will not stop and it will be hardly possible for the capital city to uphold its violent, expansionist, exclusionist and segregationist bearing on the Oromo people under the guise of “Oromia’s Special Interest”. The so-called draft law is offensive and problematic instead of a solution.
These questions in mind, let us yet raise few points to reveal other shortfalls. We will challenge the draft law both in its substantive values and implications.
Some issues in the “Social Service” paragraphs in the statement
a. According to the statement of Council of Ministers, Finfinnee administration will arrange primary schools for farmers in Finfinnee and citizens who want their children to learn in Afan Oromo.
• Are there farmers in the city currently or the Finfinnee is planning to annex Oromo farming lands?
• Why Afan Oromo is limited to elementary schools? What if parents or students want Afan Oromo beyond elementary classes?
b. The statement pronounces that Finfinnee will consider Oromo natives in its hospital service plan. What does it mean? Oromos are not getting health services in hospitals in Finfinnee now? In what sense, does Finfinnee plan hospitals for Oromos? Will it be a discount of service fee? Will Finfinnee assign Afan Oromo speaking health professionals? Will it allocate additional resources for Oromo farmers? We will see it.
c. Here is another funny clause in the statement “Oromia Special Zone is established around Finfinnee to tailor services”. Is this not wired? We know for sure that the Finfinnee Environ Special Zone has been in place since 2006. In what terms the Special Zone could serve a special interest of Oromia now?
d. Another baffling phrase reads “to provide services for Oromo nationals who use their language, Afan Oromo will serve as a working language of the city”.
e. This is a very elusive and deceptive statement. When examined carefully, this statement doesn’t present Afan Oromo as a working language of the city. The language is used only when Oromos are interested to get service in their language. This is simply a translation service, may be in court and hospital settings. It is normally limited to official services. The service wouldn’t include transactions in a public sphere. The working language of the city, continues to be Amharic. The statement doesn’t indicate that Afan Oromo will be a parallel working language alongside Amharic. If Afan Oromo becomes the second language of the city, there will be a lot of changes. For instance, signboards throughout the city, bus and taxi tags, formal speeches in the city administration, city government parliament working language, documents, etc. must be presented Afan Oromo together with Amharic. Afan Oromo speaking personnel should be in public service in key sectors like transport, banks, market centers, malls, and city government institutions. Unfortunately, that is not the spirit of the draft law. It is about simple translation service for Oromos who don’t communicate in Amharic. That a thinly service. It serves no special interest. Shame on OPDO braggadocios who open their wide mouth as if Afan Oromo has become the language of the city. They believe so may be out of ignorance, because they seem to understand little of the illusions they live in.
f. Moreover, we heard that foot prints that reflect Oromo identity and historical events, memorials, roundabouts, avenues and neighborhood names will bear Oromo identity “as deems necessary”. Who will decide the necessity of these stuff then? Who will decide where and when the said provisions be executed? Who will monitor the implementation? In fact, this is a mask, empty mask. There are several such laws, regulations, and directives that are on shelf for years because making a law is not an end by itself.
g. It is also mentioned that conditions will be facilitated for the establishment of Oromo cultural centers, recreational sites and theatre. We raise the same question here? Who decides? The questions we raise here directly relate to the fundamental point we raised in item 1 of this piece.
h. The statement clearly defined that Addis Ababa will continue to be used as a designated name for the city at international, national and city level. Who cares? Did you laugh like me to read a phrase that says, the name Finfinnee is equal with Addis Ababa before the law? What is this? Excuse my ignorance that I was not aware the name Finfinnee was inferior to Addis Ababa. A special right? Yeah?
Regarding Oromia’s economic interest on Finfinnee
All the economic issues on “a special interest” bowel down to question #2 we raised earlier. Unless Oromia is able to appropriate the revenue that Finfinnee generates (in whatever arrangement) the talk of economic benefits is a groundless rhetoric and useless as well. Just let’s unveil the essence of some heavy but empty words in the economic benefits section.
a. The statement articulates that Oromia will benefit from services like water supply, liquid and solid waste disposal, transport services, employment opportunity and condominium houses built by government expense, market center facilities and adequate compensation when farmers are evicted for “development” purposes. Look at this joke, who will determine the amount of services Oromia should get? Why does Finfinnee predetermine that farmers will be evicted? Why doesn’t Finfinnee plan its waste disposal within its own boundary? Condos: Is the law referring to condos that will be built in future? When? Can’t Oromos be eligible as citizens for condos without a special interest? By the way there are endless yet untold shams around Finfinnee condos. I may write about it some other time. Just to throw a little light on the impracticality of the condo issue, let us mention two key points. Condominium house is not a charity project. You have to pay in hundreds thousands. Would it be really a level walk for the Oromo farmer? Back in 2004, when Arkebe Equbay was appointed mayor of the city, he pledged to construct 100,000 house units in 5 years and some 400,000 people were registered to own condos. However, the city was able to satisfy only some 80,000 expectants in ten years (up to 2014). If the construction continues with same pace, even in the next 30, years the first-round registers will not own condos let alone a newcomer Oromo farmer.
b. The statement also mentions that Oromia will benefit from transport networks that the city provides. What a joke? Finfinnee is not mandated to construct roads in Oromia. Highway roads are constructed by central government and regions are mandated to construct gravel roads in their respective territories. So Finfinne will not provide the infrastructure. The current relation is based on transport service that is purely guided by market drives. Oromos pay the fare like any citizen and go back and forth to Finfinnee for business. As we know Anbessa city bus and taxies travel as far as Teji, in the south west, Chancho in the north, Sandafa in the north east, Bishoftu in the east and Holota in the west. So, where is the point that Oromia special interest is served? Will there be a special fare for Oromos?
c. The so-called law discusses that Oromo youth will get job opportunity in the enterprises undertaken by Finfinnee administration in the surrounding areas. Here there is a big question, what is Finfinnee’s business in the surrounding areas? By default, the meddling of Finfinnee administration in the surrounding areas, means another version of the “Integrated Addis Ababa Master Plan” we rejected and died to reject.
d. In the economic benefit camouflage, there is one clear position designated to the Oromo people. They are not mall owners, they are not wholesalers, they are not building owners, they are not merchants. They are poor farmers who bring agricultural products to the market and feed dwellers of the city most of whom are settlers. There is no affirmative action that provides for the Oromo people to become modern business owners and dwellers in their own city in a modern fashion of the day. They are grossly supposed to remain as farmers forever, no matter how fast the city encroaches to their dooryard.
The change to Qube sequence has gone virial on social and mainstream media this time around. OPDO officials came out on TV screen to deny and or defend the change in a hair-raising way. One of the defenders who appeared on Oromia Radio and Television (who presumably presented himself as a language scholar), tried to explain the “rational” of the Qube change, though implausibly. He mentioned 5 points, defined as reading components viz. phonological awareness, grapho-phonemic awareness, fluency, vocabulary and comprehension.
There are plenty of reasons that retrigger linguistic and pedagogical questions in these claims. Are they really the causes to change the sequence of Oromo alphabet? The OPDO officials/experts denied the change to ABCD sequence in Afan Oromo curriculum. However, they couldn’t hide that the teaching method for Afan Oromo from grade 1 to 8 has been changed as far as Oromo language teaching is concerned. What does that mean? On the one hand they say Oromo alphabet order is not changed. On the other they tell us the order is changed from ABCD to LAGM? Are they confused or try to confuse us? Leaving aside the denial tricks, let us raise some mechanical (writing), linguistic and pedagogical points.
1. The issue of mechanics (grapho-phonemics)
The OPDO TV panellists said “L” letter is the simplest sign for children to write. As we all know, Qube alphabet has got two sets of signs, which are different in shape-small and capital (lower case and upper case). Which of the signs the OPDO linguists are talking about “l” or “L”? If they are talking about small “l”, yes, one needs to write only one vertical line and if that is the case what should logically follow is ‘i’ not “a” or A, then “j” not, “g” or “G”. If they are talking about capital “L, it needs to draw two lines, vertical and horizontal and connect them at the bottom end, and the logic of simplicity becomes questionable. In that case one may probably accept the logic of drawing two lines to write “A” capital. But it needs three lines, the two which form a coned shape and connected them at the middle by another line. Worse, yet, “g” or “G” are entirely different in shape from both “L” and “A”. Where is the mechanics of simplicity, then? This fact automatically dismisses the simplicity of visual and mechanical logic claimed for writing the letters.
2. The issue of frequency of “L” sound (phonological awareness)
The magic of “L” sound in Afan Oromo is simply a surprise for one to believe. What is the magic for frequency of an “L” sound in Afan Oromo? What special linguistic quality makes it appear repeatedly when all sounds have equal value in the language? Moreover, in which text and in how many written materials the magic sound occurred in the so-called Primerpro software? What is the factor that triggered the recurrence of an “L” sound? Even if that is true, can an expert experiment become a cause to change a nation’s curriculum? There is no sufficient evidence as yet provided by the OPDO “experts” to defend their “discovery”.
3. Reading components?
The OPDO “expert” claimed fluency, vocabulary and comprehension has stirred the change to alphabetical order. These concepts have nothing to do with alphabet teaching or ability of alphabet discrimination. Alphabet is learned in preschool classes and in the case of rural Ethiopia in grade one. Alphabet teaching is not an all time exercise (from grade 1-8). However, fluency in reading, vocabulary mastery and comprehension skills are a lifetime exercise. How on earth these components serve to change sequence of a language alphabet. How much can kids read at grade one in a country like Ethiopia and what does it have with the shapes of alphabets?
4. A Counter argument
If one tries to group sounds, here is linguistic argument. One can arrange sounds based on linguistic features, in their point and manner of articulation instead of the shape of the letters that represent them. For instance, one can argue “K”, “G and “Q” are produced in the same area in oral cavity, so it is easy for children to memorize them if they are put in sequence in alphabet teaching. The same logic works for “T” and “X” of Oromo Qube and “S” and “Sh” alike. Thus, the change made to Afan Oromo alphabet has nothing to do with linguistic features.
5. Confusion of alphabets in two languages
The OPDO officials/experts talked that English alphabets will continue to be taught to children in the natural order of ABCD. As we all know, English teaching starts in grade one in Ethiopian schools. One can imagine the benefit of learning the alphabets in the two languages alike. Why do they create this confusion to children, while it is not in the interest of the children (as we watched on Oromia Television a teacher in Sululta reflecting students’ dissatisfaction and that of the teachers with the confusion of changing the alphabets)?
6. The psycholinguistic factor
One of the TV interviewees was heard saying psycholinguistic method was one of the factors that triggered the change (means, cognitive faculty captures simple words than complex ones). Apparently this claim sounds logical. But what has it got with learning “l” first and “a” next? Is “a” difficult than “l”? Dr. Firdisa Jabessa, an established educator at Addis Ababa University, told a journalist while asked the change OPDO made to Qube, that children first pronounce “A” and “B” when they learn talking at toddler stage, not “L”. They start with “Aba”. This is true for all children in the world.
7. The socio-linguistic factor
Since the coming to effect of Qube, Oromos know Qube in the order they have learnt it from day one of their acquaintance with the writing system. Kids chanted ABCD, renowned singers including Ali Birra, produced pieces of lyrics and Oromos across the world cherished ABCD unanimously. Why the TPLF masters and OPDO surrogates want to intervene in this public business? Don’t they know, the level of Oromo attachment to the Qube issue?
8. Detachment from the world
One would hardly believe that Oromo children are less intelligent than the children around the world to learn their alphabet. There is no a story of similar step where countries or communities changed their regular alphabet to teach them to their children. Alphabet teaching is not a rocket science. It needs a lot of elements to help children identify alphabets and read texts properly. Therefore, to alter the order of alphabets known to the world has nothing to do with teaching letters.
Aleqa Kidanewold Kifle, an Amharic lexicographer argues (may be before 50 years back) that Amharic should change its alphabet order from “ሀ ለ” to “አ በ ገ ደ” because the world alphabets start with “A”.
9. The true reason for kids to fail to identify alphabets
One of the scary reasons is that the majority of kids in Oromia are unable to read and write when they complete first cycle school (grades 1-4) is a policy issue. This fact is boldly told to the public by one of the OPDO officials during the TV briefing, though those who are aware of the current Ethiopian education system prettily know it. The major problem here is the so-called self-contained system where one teacher is assigned for the kids to teach all subjects in the first cycle.
Moreover, there are a lot of factors that affect the learning-teaching process at this formative stage, some of which are lack of well trained teachers, teacher-student ratio (up to 80 students in a class room), textbook-student ration, lack of pedagogical facilities such as teaching aids, (fillip chart, flash card, picture books, realia, paly boars etc.), lack of motivation from the part of the teachers, lack of incentive and party membership nepotism, lack of academic freedom among others
10. Preschool policy
The Ethiopian education system is devoid of a preschool policy. There are no publicly funded preschools or kindergartens in Ethiopia. Cities have an assortment of private preschools and kindergartens but there are fewer or no institutions in rural areas. Typically, the children from poor, urban families or those living in rural areas do not attend preschool at all. That means, children enter grade one before learning how to pronounce and spell sounds. This is a country where 85% of the population lives in rural areas and there is not policy as to how to teach basic alphabets and arithmetic to the kids and there are no preschool institutions. Therefore, one can see no liability in the order of Afan Oromo alphabet for the failure of children to read or write.
11. The undercover project
The fact lies somewhere. The change that OPDO made changes to Qube is a political intrigue, which is part and parcel of destabilizing the Oromo society. Known to all, the OPDO goons would not take any policy initiative by their own be it bad or good. The project owners are the TPLF masters. They want to narrow every space they believe benefiting and promoting Oromia. Afan Oromo is a big capital and a unifying force. TPLF wants to infiltrate in this business and disrupt the pace and progress of Afan Oromo development.