Economic revolution? The chain is on the dog’s neck

By: Tullu Liban
Some people seem to be touched and thrilled by Lemma Megersa’s public tizzies. Indeed, Lemma talks Afan Oromo prettily and his verbose are quite attractive, though yet to be tested in action. Such glossy talks are not bad albeit the mix-up of OPDO’s pragmatic power limit and their confused world.

The fact speaks for itself, though. How come one expects economic or otherwise emancipation to come from an enslaved group? We don’t need any lecture on Oromo nationalism and economic marginalization from Lemma, for that matter. The level of Oromo self-consciousness is far way ahead than Lemma and co. would believe. We have had enough of them over years and no rhetoric can be a panacea for Oromo questions but action. The fact is that OPDO can bring neither economic nor political empowerment for the Oromo people given its obvious position in the power relations. They cannot because they are not made to do or be so. The very people who are caged in the nursery of TPLF; hived off from the people they are meant to represent, cannot liberate others before they do declare their own freedom. OPDOs (not the file and rank ones) are up in the line of politics so long they serve the interest of the masters who installed them. They are installed for a purpose. That purpose is to be an ensemble for TPLF interest in order that the latter could exploit resources of Oromia.

TPLF doesn’t want the Oromo people but their resources. Therefore, they don’t want to empower the people whom they are determined to loot indefinitely. They are not that naive to lose their grip over the resource they direly need. Thus, they don’t permit OPDOs to exercise a real power. If one believes OPDODs are exercising a real power in the Oromia leadership or in the fake federalism, one is simply foolish or far away from the tricks of Tigrian politics.
Lemma is not in the service of the Oromo people because he is not elected by free will of the people. He is an assignee of TPLF and his cabinet too. Where is the point then, that one hopes Lemma will bring about economic revolution for the Oromo people?
Lemma is instructed to deliberately speak up loudly picking up the language of honest Oromo elites: nationalism, marginalization, segregation, dehumanization etc. Yes, it seems the plan is hitting the target, it caught public attention for a moment; but couldn’t cool down public temper as it was supposed to.
TPLF emboldened Lemma Megerssa and Beker Shale to spark a dialogue to measure the thermometer of Oromo politics. In a way, TPLF will buy time, respire for a while, work out how to quell the next chapter of inevitable Oromo fight that bothers them day and night.
Those who are hoping OPDOs will change the powerline in Ethiopia’s politics are misleading themselves. OPDO is a handmade “speaking tool”. When the creators, the TPLF masters want them to speak, OPDOs speak nicely and loudly. When they are told to act, they will perform exceedingly. Don’t forget, the chain is on their neck, yet. To loosen a chain on the neck of one’s dog or tighten, fasten it, is not decided by the dog itself but by the owner. That is the situation in which the OPDO surrogates find themselves. If any change happens, in answering Oromo questions, it happens because of the irresistible smack TPLF gangs sustained because of the nonstop Oromo struggle.
Even amid the shocks it has experienced, TPLF still aspires to survive in the years to come. In 2020, TPLF will conduct another round of sham elections in Ethiopia. In the next elections, they want to cling to power by hook or crook. They deploy different tactics to achieve that dream. One of the tactics is addressing some of the Oromo questions. They may promote Afan Oromo as the second federal language, at least theoretically. They may enact a law on Oromia-Finfinnee relations, at least on paper. They may delegate regions to administer certain portions of the economy (with strict control of the center). All these cosmetic reforms will happen to legitimize the next survival of TPLF as a central powerhouse of the empire. As we can see preparations are underway in the name of political negotiation where Oromia is not represented. There will be some individuals in the name of opposition parties in the next parliament of TPLF (Tolessa Tesfaye, Lidetu Ayalew and Ayele Chamisso in mind) . And yet, the essence of the real power relations will remain under the full control of TPLF.
The whole effort of TPLF is now to finalize a groundwork to get a “pass grade” for the 2020 elections. Then, they will prepare another strategy for the 7th, 8th, 9th and 10th rounds to realize the 50 year Tigrian rule dream.
The thing is that OPDO protagonists like Lemma Megerasa, are in the TPLF utmost service so that the former could buy time for power perpetuation. Lemma and his OPDO are agents of TPLF in Oromia as we know them since their creation from POWs.
One must ask Lemma when he broadly opens his mouth about Oromo marginalization where he has been hitherto. He has been an active player, a forefront striker in effecting the marginalization process. One would not have been surprised if Lemma was a newcomer to the OPDO circle. However, it wouldn’t make any sense to hear his ostentatious rhetoric he himself being one of the persons in the enemy service by heart. For heaven’s sake, how dare the thoughts of Oromo economic empowerment came through Lemma’s revelation as if he has not been part and parcel of the system that made the Oromo people sustain the pains? Okay fine, now say they came to their sense to realize the pains, how can Lemma and his comrades reverse politically designed marginalizations under the slave-master relationship with TPLF?
If politics is not a magical activity or a divine business, in this real world of humans, there will be no economic empowerment without political empowerment. If the chain on the neck of OPDO was not in the palms of TPLF, one would hope to see changes in different life aspects as far as Oromia is concerned. But the remote control is not in the palms of the dogs; the masters do hold that chain; will they loosen the grip? No! They may let the dogs relax temporarily, not permanently.
In sum, we are sure whatever reform TPLF conducts in the name of OPDO or if OPDO does something good to answer a portion of Oromo questions, they do it not because they wished to do it nor OPDO dared to demand it. If the OPDO stooges had that ability, they could have materialized many of Oromo demands long ago. The harder we hammer them, the tight we press them, the more our dreams are achieved. They are not granting us our rights. We are gabbing them through struggle. Whatever benefit comes in favor of Oromia, we welcome them because they are the result of Oromo struggle, not a gift from the enemy. They are achieved by struggle thanks to our martyrs who shed their blood selflessly for the noble cause.

Adwa is a colonial war among competing Colonial Empires despite the participation of subject peoples as footsoldiers

By: Tsegaye Ararsa

Indians, Nigerians, Ghanaians fought both World Wars (one of which is a purely colonial-imperial war) under the British. Eritreans and Lybians fought WWII for Italy. Likewise, Africans and Caribbeans fought for the French. In each case, the wars weren’t fought for their freedom. They fought the white man’s war as colonial subjects. It took decades of struggle for decolonization before these subject peoples fought for freedom.

Adwa is a colonial war of the scramble for the horn of Africa. It was a war among whites and honorary whites. Many subject peoples, most of them in chains, were weaponized against the Italians.

In the end, colonialism was entrenched and legalized in the horn of Africa. Eritrea was officially ceded to Italy as their colony. In subsequent treaties, the British title over the territories of the Sudan, Kenya, and British Somaliland was readily accepted. The Italian title over Eritrea and Italian Somaliland was legally entrenched. The French got full title deeds, as it were, for 99 years over the French Somaliland.

These Menelikan colonialist adventures were the price of Abyssinian sovereignty as per the colonial international law of the time. Abyssinian sovereignty, sanctioned and sanctified by colonial international law of the time–meant “to civilize the African ‘savages'” in Ethiopia and beyond, included many subject peoples into the fold of the territory of what was officially Abyssinia until 1946.

Today, those who like to fetishize the Adwa moment tell us that Adwa is the victory of all Ethiopians because even subject peoples have fought in the war. This is an attempt to include the subject peoples into the fold of their Abyssinian imperial adventures in order to totalize their own experience of the Adwa glory as the experience of these subjects. It is a strategy of retrospective legitimation by inclusion, I understand. But including the otherwise excluded for the sake of legitimizing the hegemon is still exclusion. It is exclusion by inclusion.

Adwa is anything but an anti-colonial war. Adwa accepted, confirmed, appropriated, and amplified the first premises and the logic of European colonialism and implemented it in the horn of Africa with a more barbaric rigor effected through European rifles. As such, it was merely a local instantiation of what Kipling called “the white man’s burden”, albeit done by black bodies.

Adwa is anything but a black victory over a white colonizer. Adwa was a moment of self-hating denial of blackness. Nothing typifies this more than the emphatic Menelikan disavowal of his blackness when he was invited to be an honorary president of the global association for the improvement of the life of the “Negro”. By saying “I am not a Negro; I am Caucasian,” Menelik stipulated that he is “an honorary white man.” This stipulation, while assuming alliance and identification with white Europe (the “community of civilized nations”), also inaugurated the habasha racism that, to date, discounts blackness, devalues black culture and identity, and belittles the dignity of black persons and all darker skinned peoples. In a way, Adwa was the inaugural moment for the birth of racialized hierarchy between and among the peoples of Ethiopia.

Adwa is anything but an African triumph over global imperialism. It was in fact a moment that contributed to the subjugation of Africa–the horn region–to European colonialism. It was a local instantiation of the global imperial project of the “scramble for Africa.” Much to the dejection of genuine pan-Africanists, this happened by propagating the Ethiopian exceptionalism in Africa (claiming that it is an ancient state, that it was Judaic/semitic, that it was christian, that is was the second Zion, that it was ‘civilized’, etc). Consequently, the Adwa moment ushered in the notion that Abyssinia, is IN Africa but not OF Africa, is “African but not quite.”

And yet, I understand that there are people who are passionately attached to this moment because of the positive material and moral consequences the moment yielded for them. That is as it should be, because it is experienced by them as their moment of glory.

That does not mean that everyone experienced the moment in the same way. Nor does it mean that the same positive consequences accrued to us all in the same way.

Yes, numerous subject peoples took part in it. Some in chains, some free. Some were deployed at a leadership level owing to their skills of war. Notable names of Oromo or of other non-habasha descent may have adorned the list of fighters or war leaders. But that doesn’t make the war theirs. Nor does it make any less colonial, any less imperial, or any more African, or any blacker. That Ghanaians, Indians, or Nigerians fought for the Britain; that Eritreans, and Libyans fought for Italy; that Francophone West Africans, Caribbeans, or Algerians fought for the French made the world wars wars of freedoms for their subject peoples.

To not celebrate your party is not to stand against it. It only means that it is YOUR party, not ours.

If you can hear this voice of hesitation, maybe, therein you will also find the hope of your redemption, inclusion on the terms defined by the hitherto excluded.

If not, you will dance to your own chants alone. That is fine by us as long as you don’t ask us to dance to your chants. To be in the house isn’t exactly the same as being in the party.

PS. For the mindless and homeless political rascals: now go out and fetishize the Adwa moment like you always do, like you fetishize most everything Abyssinian alright. But don’t ask us to dance to your chants.

THE PEOPLES’ ADWA: The Imperative of Embracing Plural Interpretation

Tsegaye R. Ararssa

1 March 2016
Every year, when March is around the corner, Ethiopian social media activists start to be noisy. The defenders of Adwa as a phenomenal black history moment and the revisionists battle it out fiercely, often in a vulgar mode of exchange. Over the last two years, I have been observing this discussion between those who seek to promote the old narrative of state orthodoxy as the only and the universal meaning of Adwa and those who take a more sceptical stance seeking to show the darker sides that the Adwa moment signifies.

The following paragraphs were written in response to those who seek to impose on the Oromo this exhausted old narrative of the ideologically motivated imperial State Orthodoxy.

1.There are right reasons to celebrate the battle of Adwa. But to say Adwa is a black man’s war fought for securing the freedom of the people of the black race is celebrating the event for the wrong reason.

2.Truth be told, it was a colonial war fought among colonial empires, framed by rules of colonial international law, with a colonizing consequence for Africa.

3.It was a war fought between two maiden empires competing over the fate of black peoples in Ethiopia and beyond. This was clearly stated by the emperor himself several times, the emperor who also clearly denied that he is black, the emperor who rather mysteriously claimed to be Caucasian, the emperor who refused to identify with Afro-Americans and Haitians who saw him as one of their own and sought to salute him for his achievements at Adwa, the emperor who brutally murdered millions of black people, the emperor who personally owned over 70, 000 black slaves, the emperor who negotiated with white colonial powers on the fate of other black peoples (Eritreans, Djiboutians, Somalis, and the Sudanese) under white colonial rule.

4.To say Adwa is a pride of black people, therefore, is a distortion of historical truth and a gross misrepresentation of the man and the event.

5.To say that our people sacrificed, especially those of them who were in chains, to preserve a semblance of an African sovereignty; to commemorate the lives lost in that war and to honor the sacrifices thereof is the right reason to celebrate it. As someone whose forefathers have paid dearly for this and for the subsequent fascist war, I feel the pain, I share the loss, and I honor their sacrifice.

6.As I honor their sacrifice and commemorate and celebrate the lives of the many black bodies lost there, I speak the truth, the whole truth, and stick only to the truth.

7.To my compatriots who insist that we should celebrate it for the wrong reason, I insist in telling you the truth, the raw truth, especially on the issues we disagree strongly.

Doing this is paying a proper tribute to the agony and anguish of those who lived and died in chains to defend a state that left them outside of the polity. To do this is a sacred duty, a civic duty, an act of loyalty–even to the state that is formed on my forefathers’ graves.

This is an act of sacrifice, as I am fully aware of the past and present reality of rejection in Ethiopia, completely cognizant of its violent beginnings and violent bearings in the present, totally imbued with faith in redemption, and immensely driven by the almost impossible hope of transformation, even of transfiguration.

To those of you who don’t see the gibberish in the incoherence of, and the irony in, the Menelikan claim to be (an honorary) whiteman but think I am making a gibberish (you know who you are!);

To those of you who claimed that we prefer an Italian colonial rule to an Abyssinian one (almost all of you in the Menelikan fetish camp have said it!);

To those of you who–being the children and grandchildren of bandas and the shumbash–came out to whitewash yourself by calling me names such as banda (and you know who you are!!!);

To those of you who, because of historical misinformation–via political and cultural propaganda such as songs by Gigi, Tedy Afro and essays by Bewketu, and a self-conscious and yet a romanticizing film produced by Professor Haile Gerima, etc– to those of you who could not distinguish the right from the wrong reasons for celebrating the event as a result;

For you, I have only pity.

But I like to restate to you in the strongest possible terms that I come from a people of hope and redemption.

I note the fractured beginnings of the state.

I note its violent inauguration.

I note its deficits of pan-Africanism (which is still the reason that Ethiopia is IN Africa but not OF Africa).

I note the Ethiopian State’s imperial and colonial beginnings.

I note all of its ‘original constitutional sins’.

And I will openly tell you about it.

I will be happy to engage you in a conversation in public or private.

In fact, I encourage a deeper public conversation on the matter. Yes, a deeper national conversation that is long overdue. (This might also help us develop a sense of ‘ethical listening,’ a sense of agonistic listening, to each other as a polity.)

And I do so because I believe in the hope of transformation. I believe in the hope of going beyond and above those inaugural wounds. I believe in building a better future in spite of, and BECAUSE OF, those wounds. I believe in the transfiguration of society.

I will also tell you what I won’t do:

I will not pamper you.

I will not come to you with half-truths.

I will not mystify the objective truth.

I will not shrink the meaning of the event or the historical figures into one and only one. I insist on multiple interpretations of Adwa and all other historical events in Ethiopia. I insist on multiple popular interpretations.

I will not regurgitate and reproduce the state orthodoxy of the past as the truth or the one and only interpretation of historical truths.

For far too long, we have seen historical narratives told to us ex cathedra.

For far too long, the voices, the stories, and the narratives of peoples have been suppressed.

For far too long, your grand narratives have ignored, silenced, and erased the voices of the peoples–especially the voices of the frontier peoples (the peoples who were never people in the democratic–the demos–sense of the term).

Also, I will not flatter you, especially if the truth refuses to flatter you. I won’t spare you from my wrath if you come and write a gibberish, or, even worse, your insults (as most of you are bent on doing). I promise you: I will return the compliment in kind, or I will block you.

If you want a civil conversation, I welcome you (especially if you are willing to do your part of the home work).

To the people of hope, to the people of redemption, to the people that were not ‘people’ in the past, I say:

YOU HAVE COME A LONG WAY, EVEN TO THE MOUNT OF ADWA (for no gain or glory). You have survived darker days. You shall survive these ones, too.

As we resist the present abuse, we also resist a hegemonic discourse that fetishizes the cause of all our ills into a benign state orthodoxy.

Resist we will, in part because, to do so has now become our (unchosen) way of life.

Resist we will, because for some of us, it has now become a way of being in the world.

And we will do so in truth. … Told in love. … Told with an undying hope.

Happy celebration of the peoples’ Adwa…and, for once, a celebration for the right reason.
***** ***** *****

Untold number of Ethiopians are subject to human rights violations : Amnesty International USA

At the end of 2016 Amnesty International published a report titled Ethiopia Offline: Evidence of Social Media Blocking and Internet Censorship in Ethiopia. This report documented how social media and networks in Addis Ababa and the Oromia region were being blocked by the Ethiopian government. Among the more alarming findings is that AI and the Open Observatory of Network Interference (OONI), who co-authored the report, detected the use of Deep Packet Inspection (DPI) technology, which can be used to monitor and filter internet traffic. The Ethiopian government appears to be using the technology for “mass surveillance internet censorship.” The government’s actions constitute a violation of Ethiopia’s obligations to protect freedom of expression under the African Charter and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and also drastically restricts access to information for the Ethiopian people.The internet crackdown is linked to a brutal crackdown by the government in response to protests that started in the Oromo region in November 2015 against the Addis Ababa City Integrated Development Master Plan. This led to nationwide protests following a stampede in Oromia region on October 2, 2016 that followed attacks on foreign and local businesses. In response to the attacks and the protests, the Ethiopian government declared a State of Emergency (SOE) on October 9, 2016. The government declared that under the SOE they could “restrict freedom of expression where such freedom is abused”, and imposed a wide range of restrictions on internet access.  The government also arrested more than 11,000 people charging them with “violence and property damage.”

Based on the standards of the ICCPR, the State of Emergency in Ethiopia has resulted in many derogations that fail to meet international human rights law. For example, the Ethiopian government established a Command Post whose purpose was to “stop any media, prohibit any assembly and search and seize any person or place.”  Under the SOE, WhatsApp, Facebook, and Twitter were either blocked or inaccessible in Ethiopia, especially in the Oromia region. Further, certain types of URLs were blocked, including news media, web pages of political opposition, LGBTI, calling for freedom of expression, and circumvention tools such as Tor and Psiphon.

The Ethiopian government continues to misuse the Anti-terrorism Proclamation (ATP) legislation to charge and arrest people critical of government policies or actions. Amnesty International believes that “the acts of censorship, conducted outside a clear legal framework, over several months and affecting dozens of websites and social media platforms as well as the State of Emergency itself – which is so broadly drafted violates Ethiopia’s international legal obligations and permits violations of numerous human rights.”

These violations include the arrest of a number of government critics such as Bekele Gerba, a leading Oromo human rights activist, Eskinder Nega a prominent journalist and a human rights defender. Who was sentenced to 18 years in jail after he wrote articles demanding freedom of expression and an end to torture in Ethiopia.. Yonatan Tesfaye, a prominent opposition figure facing a possible death sentence due to his Facebook post opposing a government plan to extend the capital’s administrative authority to the Oromia region and Merera Gudina, a human rights activist and leader in the Oromo community.

An untold number of Ethiopians are subject to human rights violations as a result of the State of Emergency, the Anti-terrorism Proclamation and other legislation that the government is using to impose order, and, according to the government, restore peace and security.

As 2017 begins however, the government of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn will face very stark truths. In can continue down the current path of increasing repression, and jail anyone who it considers unacceptable, creating a nationwide detention camp, or it can display the leadership the country needs by ending the State of Emergency, allowing an independent commission of inquiry into the protests that have shaken the country for the last two years, repeal the draconian laws it created to silence opposition, and release the scores of prisoners that it will need to talk to and work with to address the governance and human rights challenges the country is facing.

The world is watching and time is running out.

See the original report HERE

Hariiroon Itoophiyaa fi Suudaan Kibbaa hammaataa dhufuun qabsoo hidhannoof foddaa saaqa

Hariiroon motummaan Itoophiyaa fi Suudaan Kibbaa (SK) jidduu jiru hammaataa fi mi’aa fixataa dhufeera. Mootummooni lamaanuu wolhimataa, wolkomataa fi gocha woliitti obsa fixataati kan dhufan. Salvaa Kiir, pirezidaantiin SK, tibbana Masrii gayee deebi’uun isaa shakkii yeroo dheeraadhaaf Itoophiyaa fi SK wolirraa qabaataa turan dhugoomseera.

Hariiroon dippiloomaasii Itoophiyaa fi Suudaan Kibbaa jidduu jiru haalaan dadhabaadha. Mootummaan lamaan yeroo kanatti wolitti gaarriffatu; hidhii walitti ciniinnatu. Itoophiyaan ambaasaadara Suudaan Kibbaa ari’uunis gabaafamee jira. Suudaan Kibbaa garuu dhugaa miit jetti. Michummaan Suudaan Kibbaa Kaayiroo waliin eegalte akka shira hidhaa Abbayyaa gufachiisuuf xaxameetti kan ilaallame, ija Abbaay Tsahaayyee fa’aan. Kana malees Suudaan Kibbaa, jaarmayaalee mootummaa Woyyaanee hidhannoodhaan dhabamsiisuu hawwaniif doohannoo laatteerti ykn laatuudhaaf fedhii agarsiisteerti oduun jedhu gara Jubaatii bayuu eegaleera. Kuni hangam dhugaa akka ta’e ammatti mirkaneeffachuudhaaf rakkisaadha. Garuu, yeroo kanatti qilleensi siyaasaa keessaa fi alaa bubbisu hundi Woyyaanetti kan fidaa jiru bowwoo qofa jedhu taajjabdoonni.

Rakkoon Suudaan Kibbaa, garee Salvaa Kiirii fi Riik Mashaar jidduu yeroo dheeraadhaaf ture, sodaa fi aabjuu mootummaa Woyyaanee isa yeroo dheeraa dhugoomsaa dhufeera. Itoophiyaan yeroo addaddatti, dhimma Suudan Kibbaa keessa harka naqataa fi waa’ee araara SK dubbataa turteerti. Yeroo kana gootu rakkoo fi naga dhabuun Suudaan Kibbaa Woyyaanee yaachsiee miti. Mootummaa naga argamsiisuuf hojjatau, isa mirga namaa fi dimokraasii argasmiisuuf tattaafatu taées miti. Jeeqamuun Suudaan Kibbaa humnoota akka ABO fi G7 doohannaa argamsiisa- deeebíanii miilaan akka gadi dhaabatan taasisa sodaa jedhu. Aabjuu kana kan Woyyaanee ganna hedduuf hirriba dhabsiise dhimma Suudaan Kibbaa keessa harka, miilaa fi waraana isii akka naqxu kan taasise.

Jarmayaaleen qawweedhaan Woyyaanee kuffisuuf carraaqan yeroo heddu biyya ollaa doohannaa isaaniif laattu dhabuun qabsoo geggeessan qancarsuu isaa dubbattu. Suudaan Kibbaa fi Itoophiyaa, akkasumas Masrii fi Itoophiyaa jidduu hariiroon jiru sadarkaa baay’ee hamaa jedhamu irra gayuun isaa amma ifatti bayeera. Kana booda, ABO fi G7 foddaa carraa banamaa jirtu kanaan hulluuqanii seenu moo hanga balballi guutummatti saaqamu taa’anii eeguun gaafii hundaati.

Jalqaba kan maxxanfame: Awash Post  irratti


Gabaasa Human Rights Watch kan bara 2016 Itoophiyaa ilaalchisee baasee Afaan Oromootiin

Naannoo guddicha Itiyoopiyaa – Oromiyaa guutuu keessatti Sadaasa bara 2015 eegalee akkasumas naanoo Amaaraatti Adoleessa bara 2016 eegale hirironni gurguddoofi hin eegamne godhamaniiru. Humnoonni tikaaa mootummaa Itoophiyaa haleellaa humnaa hiriirota baayyinaan nagaa turan irratti fudhataniin lubbuu namoota 500 olii galaafataniiru.

Gaafa Onkolooleessa 2 naannoo Oromiyaa magaala Bushooftuutti namoota ayyaana Irreechaa kabajuuf walitti qabaman irratti humnootni tika mootummaa dhukaasaa yeroo bananiifi boombi imimmeessu tuuta ummataatti yeroo darbatan namootni rifatanii baqatan walirra deemuudhan hallayyaatti nam’anii dhumaniiru. Daragaggeeyyin dhumaati Irreechaatin aaran gamoole mootummafi qabeenya dhunfaa tokko tokko irratti tarkaanfi barbadeessu fudhannaan mootummaan gaafa Onkoloolessa 9 labsi yeroo muddamaa garmalee nama ukkamsuu kan ji’oottan 6f turu labse. Labsiin yeroo muddama kun gochoota heeddu haala ifa hin taaneen dhorkuurra darbee mirga yaada ofii bilisaan ibsachuu, mirga gurmaayuufi hiriira nagaa bayuu dhorkeera. Qajeelfamni labsii sana booda bayes tooftaale hunootni tikaa duriyyuu ittiin mirga namaa dhiitaa turan kan akka ajaja mana murtii malee lammilee hidhuufa seera qabeessa godheera.

Hiriironnii mormii kun kan gaggeeffaman haala qaawwaan siyaasa tokkoole hin jirre keessatti ture. Paartiin biyya bulchu teesso paarlaama biyyatti 100% dhuunfatee jira. Dhaabbileen siivikiifi midiyaaleen walabaas bilisaan akka hin hojjanne godhamaniiru. Namoonni ifatti mootummaa hin deeggarre ajaja mana murtii malee nihidhamu, nireebamu.

Itoophiyaan looltoota ishee qama Ergama Gamtaa Afrikaa (AMISOMii) goote gara Somaaliyaatti nibobbaafti. Bara 2016 humna ‘poolisii addaa’ kan furguggifame lolus humna waraana isheetti dabaluun gara Somaliyaatti akka ergite gabaafame ture. Adoolessa bara 2016 humnootni tikaa Itoophiya kan towanno AMISOM jala hin turre yeroo haleella AL-shebaab irratti fudhatan namoota nagaa 14 naanno Beeyiiti ajjeesaniiru. (Boqonnaa Somaliyaa dubbisaa)

Bilisaan walgayuu

Bara 2016 karoorri mootummaan daangaa magaala guddittii Finffinne gara naannoo Oromiyaatti baldhisuuf baasee mormii kutaa Oromiyaa mara waliin gaye kaasee ture. Humnootni tikaa mootummaas mormitoota irratti halellaa cimaa raawwatan. Yaaddon mormitoota karoorri maqaa ‘misooma qindaawa Finfinneefi naannoshe’ jedhamu kun akkuma waggoottan kurnan darban ta’aa turetti qotee bultoota Oromoo lafa isaniira buqqusuuf deema jechuun ture. Ji’a Amajjii bara 2016 Mootummaan karoora guddaa Finfinne mormii kaase kana haqeera jedhus uummanni hin amanne. Sababiin isaammoo mootummichi waadaa seenaa ture hedduusa cabsuun waan beekamuufi. Mormitoonni komee waggoottan kurnan hedduufi haleella humnaa dogoggooraa kan humnootni tikaa fudhatan mormaa turan. Mormitoonni iddo tokko tokkotti badii akka geessisan gabaasni muraasni ni agarsiisu. Garuu bakka baayyeetti mormii isaanii karaa nagaatiin dhageessisaa turan. Ebilaafi Caamsa bara 2014s mormiin walfakkatuufi haleellan humnoota tikaa walfakkaatu fudhatamanii turan.

Yeroo mormiin kun adeemsifamaa ture humnootni tika mootumma Itoophiyaa barattoota kuma kurnaniin lakkaayaman, barsiisota, miseensota paartilee mormituu, hojjattoota fayyaa akkasumas namoota ijoolle poolisii jalaa baqataniif dawoo kennan ykn gargaaran gara mana hidhaattii guuraniiru. Baayyeen namoota hidhamanii turanii hiikamanus namoonni lakkofsi isaanii hin beekamne gargaarsa seeraaffi daawwii maatii malee osoo himanni tokko irratti hin banamiin haga yoonaa mana hidhaa tursiifamaniiru. Hoggannoonni paartilee seeraan galmaayanii socho’anii kan akka paartii Kongirasi Federaalistii Oromoofaa labsii farra shororkeessumaan himatamanii mana hidhaati guuramaniiru. Qabsoo lola-malee jabeessanii barsiisaa kan turan itti aanaa dura taa’aa KFO dabalate hogganoonni marti shorrorkeessuman himatamanii hidhamaniiru.

Ji’a Adoolessaa keessa hidhamuu miseensota komitee eenyumma walqaayit sababeefachuun mormiin gara naannoo Amaarattis babaldhateera. Komiteen kun rakkina daangaa bulchiinsa yeroo dheeraf deebii hin arganne furuuf garee socho’aa turaniidha. Xiyyeeffannoon mormitoota naannoo Amaaraa inni guddaan walcaalmaa hirmaannaa aangoofi dinagdee biyyatti kan warra mootummicha deeggaran addatti fayyadu irratti mormii dhageessisuu ture. Hagayya 6 fi 7 qofatti humnootni tikaa mootumma naanno Oromiyaafi Amaara keessatti namoota 100 ol ajjeesaniiru. Magaala Baahirdaar qofa keessatti namoota 30tu ajjeefame. Magaalli Bahirdaar magaalota mormii uummanni garmalee guddaan irratti hirmaate keessumeessan keessa ishee tokko turte. Naanno Amaaraa guutuu keessatti ummata heddumminaan akka hidhanis gabaafameera.

Naannoo Ummatoota Kibbaa zoonii koonsootti mormii uummanni naannoo koonsoo daangaa bulchiinsa irratti kaase ukkaamsuuf humnootni tikaa mootummaa Itoophiyaa dhalattoota Koonsoo kurnaniin lakkaayaman ajjeesaniiru.

Mootummaan komee mormitoota naannoo Oromiyaa, Amaaraafi Koonsoo irraa ka’e sirnaan deebisuuf fedhii takkallee hin agarsiisne. Inumaayyuu tasgabbii boorayeef sababa kan ta’an dhabamuu bulchiinsa gaariifi hoji dhabdummaa dargaaggootu humnoota alaan garmalee hoo’ifame jedhuun komicha qaama alaatti naanneessan.

Mootummaan ajjeechaa naannoo Oromiyaa, Amaaraafi Koonsootti raawwate sirnaan qorachuuf fedhi takkallee hin agarsiifne. Qaamaa mootummaa kan ta’e komishiniin mirga namoomaa Itoophiyaa Waxabajjii darbee gabaasa paarlaama biyyattiif dhiyeessan keessatti humni humnootni tika mootummaa fayyadaman balaa mormitoonni poolisootarraan gayaniin walbira qabamee yoo ilaalamu humna walmadaalawa fayyadaman jechuun gabaasaniiru. Ragooleen ifatti jiran garuu faallaa gabaasa kanaa agarsiisu.

Labsiin muddamaa Onkolooleesa baye mormii mootumman hin hayyamne mara dhorkeera. Naanoo koomandi poostin murteesse mara keessatti hanga labsiin muddama kun hin kaanetti ajaja mana murtii malee akka fedhanitti nama hidhuus hayyameera.

Poolisiin addaa naannoo somaalee lola adda bilisa baasa Ogaaden (ONLF) waliin gochaa jiru keessatti dhiitta mirga nammooma garmalee guddaa raawwataa jira. Namoota ONLF gargaaru ykn leellisu jedhamanii shakkaman murtoo seeraa malee ajjeesuun, seera malee hidhuufi reebuun gabaafamaa ture. Maatiin namoota daawwanna pirezidaantiin bulchiinsa naanno Somaale Abdii Illey Meelboorn, Awustiraaliyaatti Waxabajjii 12 mormanii Itoophiyaati hidhamaniiru.

Bilisaan yaada ofii ibsachuufi ijaaramuu

Miidiyaan biyyatti ammallee towannoo mootumma jalaa hin kan hin baane dha. Inumayyuu labsii muddama dhuma bara 2016 bayeen towannoon mootumma garmalee itti jabaateera. Kanarra kan ka’e filannoon gaazexeessitoota biyyatti bayyee ofumaa of-dhorkuu ykn reebamuu ykn hid*hamuu ykn biyya baqatanii baduu qofa ta’ee jira. Erga bara 2010 as yoo xinnatee gaazexeessitooni 75 biyya gadhiisani baqataniiru. Gaazexeessitoota doorsissun alattis toftaan mootumman ittin miidiyaa walabaa dangeessu maneen maxxansaa, maxxanssitootafi raabsitoota kiyeesuufaa dabalata.

Gaazexeessitoonni heddun kan akka Iskindir Naggaafi Wubishet Taayyee, namoonni hiriira nagaa irratti hirmaataniifi miseensonni paartilee mormituu maqaa labsii farra shorrorkeessumman hidhamanii jiru. Gaazexeessan Geetacho Shifarra himata mootummaa maqaa balleessu jedhuun yakkamee ji’a Sadaasa keessa hidhaan waggaa tokkoo itti murtaayee jira. Barreessan Zalaalam Wargaagenyahu jedhamus guyyota 700 erga hidhamee booda Caamsa 10 labsii farra shorrorkeessaatiin yakkamee hidhaan waggaa 5fi ji’a 2 itti murtayeera. Gaazexeessa Yusuuf Geetachoos Hagayya bara 2015 erga labsi farra shorrorkeessaan yakkamee waggaa 4 hidhamee booda Fulbaana 10 dhiifamaan mana hidhaatii gadhiifameera.

Mootummaan Itoophiyaa marsariitota dhimmoota ijoo irratti seenessa mootumichaa gaaffii keessa galchaniifi miidiyaalee hawaasa dhaabbataadhaan uggura jira. Kessattuu yeroo wantootni miira namaa tuqan kan akka fixinsa/walirra deddeeminsa Irreechaa dabalatee mootummaan Itoophiyaa intarneetii guutumaa guutuutti cufee ture.

Ji’oota Hagayyaafi Fulbaana keessa mootummichi dhabbatoota radiyoo adunyaa kan akka sagalee raadiyoo Ameerikaafi Docheveeleefa ugguree ture.  Yeroo mormiin ademsifama turetti uummuta kakaasuufi odeeffannoo facaasuu keessatti miidiyaale hawaasaafi dhaabbileen televiziyoona diyaaspoora gahee murteessa taphataniiru. Yeroo labsii muddamaa kanatti uummanni televisiyoonota diyaaspooraa ilaaluunis ta’ee odeeffannoo miidiyaalee hawaasa irraati dhoobuun dhorkameera. Labsiin kun dhaabileen mormituus miidiyaa wajjin akka wal hinqunnamne dhorkeera.

Labsiin dhaabbilee siviiki bara 2009 baye dandeettiifi hojii dhabbilee miti mootumma akkuma laamshessetti jira. Labsichi dhaabbileen siivikii galii isaani 10% ol biyya alaati argatan dhimmota akka mirga namoomaa, bulchiinsaa, nagaa buusuufi mirga dubartootaa, daa’immaniifi qama midhamtootaa irratti akka hin dalagne dhorka.

Imaammata misooma mootummaa qeequun garmalee hamaadha. Aktivistoonni kana godhan himatamaa jiru. Akka fakkeenyaatti dhaddacha Paastar Omoot Agwaa kan bara 2016ti darbe ilaaluun nidanda’ama. Paastar Omot Agwaan yeroo baankin adunyaa badii investimentii baankiin walqabatu tokko qorachuuf garee qorattuu baankii adunyaa gara Itoophiyaatti erge ture garee kanaaf afaan hiikuufi haala mijeessuun nama hojjataa tureedha. Himatni namoota lama Omot wajjin himatamanii Sadaasa darbe addaan citeera. Himatni namoota kana sadan irratti kan baname Fulbaana 7, bara 2015 ta’us kan qabamanii hidhaman garuu buufata xayyaara Booleeti Bitootessa bara 2015 yeroo sagantaan dhimma midhaan nyaatan of-danda’uu Naayiroobi Keniyaatti qophaaye irratti hirmaachuuf imalarra jiran ture.

Hidhaa seeran alaafi dararaa mana hidhaa

Humnootni tikaa mootumma, poolisoonni federaalaa, humnoota waraana, poolisiin addaa akkasumas angawoota tikaa kan siviilii uffatan dabalate hidhamtootni siyaasa akka ofirratti raga bayaniif mana hidhaa dhoksaafi ifaatti beekamutti reebichaafi dararaa heddu rawwataniiru. Namoonni mormii dhiyeenya kanarra qabamani hidhamani turan hedduun isaani mana hidhaattiifi kaampii waraanaatti reebichiifi dararaan akka irra gahee ture himatu. Dubartoonni heddus dhiibbaan saalaafi gudeedamuun akka irra gaye dubbatu. Humnoota tikaa dhiittaa kana fakkaatu raawwatan irratti qorannoofi adambni akka fudhatame wanti ibsu hin jiru.

Himatni pirojaktoonni misooma mootummaa qotee bultoota humnaan lafarra buqqisu jedhu dabalaa dhufe. Babaldhinni magaala Finffinneefi qonni sukkaara mootummaa naanno sulula Oomoo kan uummanni durii 200,000 ta’u keessa jiraatan balaa qotee bultoota humnaan buqqisaa jira jedhama. Hawaasni sulula Oomoo keessa jiraatan lafti margaa isaani jalaa mancayeera, laga Oomoos akka fedhanitti akka hin fayyadamne dhorkamaniiru. Hidhaan Gilgal gibe 3ffaan laga Oomoo duubatti argamu guutuun ji’a Amajjii keessa calqabamee jira, Kanaaf bara 2015 lolaan namtolchee tokkollee hin turre. Angawonni mootummaa bara 2016ti lolaan nigadhiifama jedhanus faallaa waadaa isaani lolaa baayyee xiqqootu ture. Lolaan laga Oomoo kun haroo Turkaanaa guutufi lafa qotiisaa lagicharra jiraniif barbaachisaadha.

Qaamota adunyaa shoora murteessa taphatan

Itoophiyaan arjoota biyya alaafi mootummoota naanooshee irraa gargaarsa guddaa argachaa jirti. Sababni isaas teessoo gamtaa Afrikaa waan taateef, gayee cimaa isheen naanno gaanfa Afrikatti taphattuuf, shoora isheen qama nagaa eegdu mootummoota gamtoomanii keessaatti taphattuuf, dhimmota farra shororkeessummaa, gargaarsaafi baqattoota irratti mootummoota dhiyaa wajjin waan hojjattuuf akkasumas guddina missomaa agarsiisa jirti jedhamuufi. Itoophiyaan baqattoota hedduuf iddoo ka’umsa, ce’umsaafi keessummeessituudhas.

Tarkaanfiin Itoophiyaan mormii dhiyeenya kana ta’an gara jabeenyaan ukkamsuuf fudhattefi labsiin muddamee labsite deeggartootashee yeroo dheera dabalate qaamota heddurra qeeqa ifaafi cimaa hin baratamne hordofsiseera. Gamtaan Afrikaafi Komishiniin mirga ummataafi namoomaa Afrikaa ibsa tarkaanfiin Itoophiyaa nuyaadessera jedhu baasaniiru. Paarlaamaan Awurooppa seeraafi ijannoo cimaa tokko gadhiiseera. Seeneetifi manni maree bakka bu’oota Ameerikaas ibsa cimaa tokko beeksiseera. Komishiniin mirga namooma mootummoota gamtoomani ajjechaa ji’a Adoolessa humnootni tika mootumma fudhatan irratti qorannoon qaama adunyaafi of-danda’ee akka barbaachisu ifatti jala muree gaafateera. Arjoonii biroon akka baankii adunyaa akkuma waan humtu hin taaneetti ibsa ifaafi yaaddoo tokko otoo hin baasiin hojii isaani baratame itti fufanii jiru.

Ji’a Waxabajjii keessa Itoophiyaan qaama naga eegsistu mootummoota gamtoomani taate filatamtee jirti. Garee mirga namooma addaa mootummoota gamtoomanii wajjin hojjachuuf fedhii akka hin qabne seenasheerra osoo beekamuu mana maree mirga namooma mootummoota gamtoomaniitis itti aana pirezedantii taatee jirti. Gayee kana hunda otoo achi keessa qabduullee Itoophiyan gareen mirga namooma addaa mootummoota gamtoomanii akka biyyashe hinseenne dhorkiteerti. Gareen mirga namoomaa addaa mootummoota gamtoomani Itoophiya kan seenan yeroo dhumaaf bara 2006, yeroo gareen dhimma Eertira qoratu dhaqe qofa ture.

Odeeffannoo dabalataaf  Gabaasa Human Rights Watch bara 2017 dubbisuu dandeessa.

ኢትዮጵያ: የጭካኔና ገደቦች አመት መብቶች ይከበሩ፣ ለህዝብ ቅሬታዎች መልስ ይሰጥ

Human Rights Watch Report 2016 እ.ኤ.አ. በ 2016 ዓ.ም. ኢትዮጵያ የሰብአዊ መብቶች ቀዉስ ዉስጥ ወድቃለች። ሂዩማን ራይትስ ወች ዛሬ በወጠው የ 2017 ዓ.ም. የአለም ዓቀፍ ሪፖርት ኢትዮጵያ የአስቸኳይ ጊዜ አዋጅ ባወጀችበት በዚህ ወቅት መሰረታዊ መብቶችን በመገደብና ሰለማዊ ሰልፈኞች ላይ የከፈተችዉን ደም አፍሳሽ አፈናን  ቀጥላበታለች ብሏል። የአስቸኳይ ጊዜ አዋጁ በዘፈቀዳ ማሰርን ይፈቅዳል፣ ማህበራዊ መገናኛ ብዙሃንን ይገድባል፣ አንዲሁም ከውጭ አካላት ጋር መገናኘትን ይከለክላል።

በዚህ ዓመት የመንግስት የጸጥታ ሀይሎች በኦሮሚያና ኣማራ ክልሎች በመቶዎች የሚቆጠሩ ሰለማዊ ሰልፈኞችን ገድሏል፣ በአስር ሺህዎች የሚቆጠሩትን ዕስር ቤት ኣጉሯል። ታስረው ከተፈቱት ብዙዎቹ በእስር ቤት ዉስጥ ስቃይ አንደደረሰባቸው ታናግረዋል። ይህ እስረኞችን የማሰቃየት ችግር ኢትዮጵያ ዉስጥ ለረጅም ግዜ ሳይፈታ የዘለቀ ችግር ነው። መንግስት የጸጥታ ሀይሎች ያደረሱትን በደሎች በተገቢው መልኩ ለመመርመርም ሆና ለአለማቀፍ ምርመራ ጥሪውች  መልስ መስጠት አልቻለም።

የታጠቁ የመንግስት ወታደሮች በመስከረም ወር 2009 ዓ. ም በቢሾፍቱ ኢትዮጵያ በተከበረው የኢሬቻ በአል ላይ ተቃውሞ የሚያሰሙ ሰዎችን ሲመለከቱ።

የታጠቁ የመንግስት ወታደሮች በመስከረም ወር 2009 ዓ. ም በቢሾፍቱ ኢትዮጵያ በተከበረው የኢሬቻ በአል ላይ ተቃውሞ የሚያሰሙ ሰዎችን ሲመለከቱ።

‘’የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት እ.ኤ.አ. በ2016 ዓ.ም. የቀረቡለትን ብዙ የማሸሻያ ጥሪዎችን በአግባቡ ማየትና ማሰተካከል ሲገባው ሰላማዊ ሰልፈኞችን ለማፈን ያልተመጣጠነና አላስፈላጊ ሀይል ተጠቅሟል’’ ብሏል ፌሊክስ ሆርኔ በሂውማን ራይትስ ወች ከፍተኛ የአፍሪካ ተመራማሪ። ‘’የማይጨበጡ የታህድሶ ተስፋዎች በቂ አይደሉም። መንግስት ሁሉንም ትችቶች በሀይል ለማፈን ከመሞከር ይልቅ መሰረታዊ መብቶችን መመለስና ትርጉም ያለዉ ዉይይት ዉስጥ መግባት አለበት።’’ ብሏልፌሊክስ ሆርን

በባለ 687 ገጹ የዓለም ሪፖርት 27ተኛ እትም ሂውማን ራይትስ ወች ከ90 በላይ በሆኑ ሃገራት ያለውን የሰብዓዊ መብት ትግበራ ገምግሟል። በዚህ የማስተዋወቂያ ጽሁፍ ዋና ዳይሬክተር ኬንዝ ሮዝ አዲስ የህዝባዊ አገዛዝ ትውልዶች የሰብዓዊ መብቶችን ጽንሰ ሃሳብ ለመቀልበስ መሻታቸውን ጽፈዋል፤ መብትን የሚያስተናግዱበት መንገድ የብዙሃንን ፍላጎት ለመገደብ ባመቸ መልኩ መሆኑን ጽሁፋቸው ይገልጻል። ከዓለም ዓቀፉ የምጣኔ ሃብታዊ እድገት ትርፍ ተቋዳሽ እንዳልሆኑ የሚሰማቸው ሰዎች እና እየጨመረ ባለው የብጥብጥ ስጋት የሲቪክ ማህበረሰብ ቡድኖች፣ መገናኛ ብዙሃን እና ህዝቡ መብቶችን የሚያከብር ዴሞክራሲ እንዲገነባ አወንታዊ ሚና መጫወት አለባቸው።

የፀጥታ ሃይሎች በጥቅምት ወር የእሬቻ በዓልን ለማክበር የወጣውን ከፍተኛ ቁጥር ያለው ህዝብ ለመቆጣጠር የተጠቀሙት ያልተገባ አያያዝ ምክንያት ሰዎች እርስ በእርስ በመረጋገጣቸው ምክንያት በርካቶች በመሞታቸው የተቃውሞ ስልፈኞቹ ብስጭት ከፍተኛ ደረጃ ላይ ደርሷል፡፡ በምላሹም የተናደዱት ወጣቶች፣ በተለይም በኦሮሚያ ክልል የግልና የመንግስት ንብረቶችን አውድመዋል። ከዚህ በኋለ ነበር መንግስት የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁን በማዋጅ በሰልፉ ግዜ የጸጥታ ሀይሎች ሰልፈኞች ላይ ላደረሷቸው በደሎች ህጋዊ ሽፋን በማላበስ ሰላማዊ ሰልፈኞቹ ላቀረቡት ጥያቀዎች የበለጠ ወታደራዊ መልስ አንደሚሰጥ ያመላከተው።

ሂዩማን ራይትስ ወች እንዳለው ሀሳብን በነጻነት የመግለጽና መረጃ የማግኘት መብት ላይ መንግስት የጣለው ገደብ እንኳንስ ችግሩን ሊፈታ የተቃዋሚዎቹን ቅሬታዎች ለመረዳት የሚያስፈልገዉን ሁሉን ኣቀፍ ፖሎቲካዊ ዉይይት አቅም ያዳክማል

እ.ኤ.አ. በ 2016 ዓ.ም. ከታሰሩት በአስር ሽዎች ከሚቆጠሩት አስረኞች መካከል፣ ጋዜጠኞች፣ ጦማሪዎች፣ ሙዚቀኞች፣ መምህራንና የጤና ባለሙያዎች ይገኙበታል። አንደነ በቀላ ገርባያሉ ለዘብተኘ የሚባሉ የፖሊቲካ ፓርቲ መሪዎች በሽብር ተከሰው እስር ቤት ተወርውረዋል። የመማር ማስተማሩ ሂደት ተስተጏጉሏል፣ በሽዎች የሚቁጠሩት ደግሞ ሀገር ጥለው ተሰደዋል።

ልዩ ፖሊስ የሚባሉት የመከለከያ ሰራዊት ተወርዋሪ ሃይሎች እ.ኤ.አ. በ2016 ዓ.ም. በሶማሌ ክልል ነዋሪዎች ላይ ብዙ ግፎችን ፈጽመዋል። በኢትዮጵያ ልማት ፕሮጀቶች ምክንያት ዜጎችን ከቄዬቸው ማፈናቀሉ ኦሞ ሸለቆን ጨምሮ በብዙ ቦታዎች ቀጥሏል።

እ.ኤ.አ. የ 2016ቱ አፈና ለዓመታት በተቃዋሚ ፓርትዎች፣ ሲቪክ ማህበራትና ገለልተኛ የሚዲያ ተቋማት ላይ ሲደረግ የነበረው ስልታዊ ጥቃት ቅጥያ ሲሆን የፖሊቲካ ምህዳሩን በደንብ በመዝጋት ተቀዋሚ ድምጾችን መተንፈሻ አሳጥቷል።

TPLF cannot stop Oromo’s Struggle for Freedom, Social Justice and Rule of Law

If TPLF/EPRDF leaders think that they can silence the Oromo people from demanding justice, freedom, equality and rule of law by keeping Oromo political leaders & activists behind bars, they are fooling themselves.

They must know that imprisonments, extrajudicial killings and forced disappearances will never stop Oromo people’s struggle and it will undoubtedly continue until Oromos free themselves from systematic oppression, economic exploitation and marginalization.

Oromo people’s struggle for political, economic and cultural rights has been around for more than a century now. Whatever TPLF & others do, it will never go away until Oromo get what they deserve.

Free OFC Leaders and All Political Prisoners!

The TPLF led Ethiopian government has jailed almost all leaders of the Oromo Federalist congress (OFC), the largest Oromo political opposition party in Ethiopia. The OFC political leaders icluding Merera Gudian (PhD) (chairman) and Bekele Garba (deputy chairman) have been jailed not because they committed crimes, but because they worked to defend the interests (political, economical and cultural) of the Oromo people.

They have been jailed for they spoke against human rights violations, land grabs (eviction of Oromo framers from their land) and the minority rule. They have been jailed for they demanded freedom, justice, equality and democracy to prevail in Ethiopia. They have been jailed for they demanded equal share of power and wealth; for they called for free and fair elections to be held; for they campaigned to enable the Oromo people to get the place they deserve in Ethiopia.

In TPLF gulag, these brave souls are at times denied basic human rights that prisoners deserve-they are abused, tortured, denied access to medication when they are sick (mostly because of the ill treatments they receive at the hands of the jailers) and prevented from meeting their family and lawyers.

We demand the TPLF/EPRDF leaders to come to their real sense and release the leaders of the Oromo Federalist Congress and all other political prisoners if they really care about peace & stability. And they must do it now!

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Before Embarking on Implementing the Master Plan; Resolve the Master Problem

By: Jawar Mohammed
The TPLF state media has announced Addis Ababa Master Plan will be implemented soon. I have seen documents pertaining to this matter. Here is my take:

1) The regime claims this master plan is for Addis Ababa city only. That is the controversial Integrated Master Plan of Addis Ababa and surrounding towns have been disentangled and split into two. In other words Addis Ababa has given up on a joint master plan with its neighboring Oromia towns and forging ahead with separate plan. Yet…

2) A cursory review of the ‘new’ plan shows it isn’t that new. For a starter, the land that is incorporated in this plan that’s supposed to be just for city of Addis Ababa is way larger than the current & constitutional limits of the city. There are localities and districts (according to the constitutionally stipulated jurisdictions of both the Oromia state & the AA city council administration) laying in the current Oromia proper like Gelan, Semit, Jamo etc which are surprisingly made part of the city and covered in the “new master plan”. In short, there’s is huge tract of land from surrounding Oromia villages that have still been incorporated into Addis Ababa. In other words, this master plan expands the city limit violating the existing boarders and aims to remove hundreds of thousands of farmers, just as previously planned.

3) Just as the earlier ‘integrated’ master plan, this ‘new’ plan states that the city will get water from Oromia (Gefersa, Laga Dadhi, Aqaqi) and dry waste will be dumped in Sandafa as well. It assumes the city will continue to use these resources and services free of charge. But there is no agreement between Oromia and the city administration.

4) The regime promised to resolve the constitutionally guaranteed Oromia’s Special interest over Addis Ababa by this past October. Yet that has not been materialized yet. Trying to implement a 25 year Master Plan for Addis Ababa before resolving this thorny issue is tantamount to inviting further complications.

5) In general, this ‘new’ master plan is different from the integrated master plan only in name. They have tried to make it look different. They said the previous plan was based on Frances city of Lyon while the new one is based on Seoul city of Korea. Yet the same people who devised the previous plan are behind this one. Abay Tsehaye is the man who is pushing it. Mathiwos Asefa the manager of the ‘integrated plan’ is again manager of the ‘new’ plan. The old plan was supposedly scrapped in January 2016. In their own admission its takes years to develop a master plan that lasts 25 years. Which means they did not develop any new plan but renamed the same old bloody one.

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Picture: The so called ‘New Addis Abeba Master PLan’

The bottom line is Finfinne (Addis Ababa) is at the heart of Oromia, geographically, politically, culturally and economically. Any plan developed for the city without the participation and approval of the Oromo people and Oromia state for the city is bound to adversely affect Oromo people, economically, culturally and politically. Hence, it has been and it will be rejected and resisted.Similarly any plan contested by the Oromos and bound to fail harming residents of the city. Thus, before you embark on any fancy talk of Master Plan, sit down and resolve the Master Problem…Oromia’s historical and constitutionally affirmed right and interest over the city of Addis Ababa.