The Qube Saga: Another Attack on the Oromo People

By: Tullu Liban

The change to Qube sequence has gone virial on social and mainstream media this time around. OPDO officials came out on TV screen to deny and or defend the change in a hair-raising way. One of the defenders who appeared on Oromia Radio and Television (who presumably presented himself as a language scholar), tried to explain the “rational” of the Qube change, though implausibly. He mentioned 5 points, defined as reading components viz. phonological awareness, grapho-phonemic awareness, fluency, vocabulary and comprehension.
There are plenty of reasons that retrigger linguistic and pedagogical questions in these claims. Are they really the causes to change the sequence of Oromo alphabet? The OPDO officials/experts denied the change to ABCD sequence in Afan Oromo curriculum. However, they couldn’t hide that the teaching method for Afan Oromo from grade 1 to 8 has been changed as far as Oromo language teaching is concerned. What does that mean? On the one hand they say Oromo alphabet order is not changed. On the other they tell us the order is changed from ABCD to LAGM? Are they confused or try to confuse us? Leaving aside the denial tricks, let us raise some mechanical (writing), linguistic and pedagogical points.

1. The issue of mechanics (grapho-phonemics)

The OPDO TV panellists said “L” letter is the simplest sign for children to write. As we all know, Qube alphabet has got two sets of signs, which are different in shape-small and capital (lower case and upper case). Which of the signs the OPDO linguists are talking about “l” or “L”? If they are talking about small “l”, yes, one needs to write only one vertical line and if that is the case what should logically follow is ‘i’ not “a” or A, then “j” not, “g” or “G”. If they are talking about capital “L, it needs to draw two lines, vertical and horizontal and connect them at the bottom end, and the logic of simplicity becomes questionable. In that case one may probably accept the logic of drawing two lines to write “A” capital. But it needs three lines, the two which form a coned shape and connected them at the middle by another line. Worse, yet, “g” or “G” are entirely different in shape from both “L” and “A”. Where is the mechanics of simplicity, then? This fact automatically dismisses the simplicity of visual and mechanical logic claimed for writing the letters.

2. The issue of frequency of “L” sound (phonological awareness)

The magic of “L” sound in Afan Oromo is simply a surprise for one to believe. What is the magic for frequency of an “L” sound in Afan Oromo? What special linguistic quality makes it appear repeatedly when all sounds have equal value in the language? Moreover, in which text and in how many written materials the magic sound occurred in the so-called Primerpro software? What is the factor that triggered the recurrence of an “L” sound? Even if that is true, can an expert experiment become a cause to change a nation’s curriculum? There is no sufficient evidence as yet provided by the OPDO “experts” to defend their “discovery”.

3. Reading components?

The OPDO “expert” claimed fluency, vocabulary and comprehension has stirred the change to alphabetical order. These concepts have nothing to do with alphabet teaching or ability of alphabet discrimination. Alphabet is learned in preschool classes and in the case of rural Ethiopia in grade one. Alphabet teaching is not an all time exercise (from grade 1-8). However, fluency in reading, vocabulary mastery and comprehension skills are a lifetime exercise. How on earth these components serve to change sequence of a language alphabet. How much can kids read at grade one in a country like Ethiopia and what does it have with the shapes of alphabets?

4. A Counter argument

If one tries to group sounds, here is linguistic argument. One can arrange sounds based on linguistic features, in their point and manner of articulation instead of the shape of the letters that represent them. For instance, one can argue “K”, “G and “Q” are produced in the same area in oral cavity, so it is easy for children to memorize them if they are put in sequence in alphabet teaching. The same logic works for “T” and “X” of Oromo Qube and “S” and “Sh” alike. Thus, the change made to Afan Oromo alphabet has nothing to do with linguistic features.

5. Confusion of alphabets in two languages

The OPDO officials/experts talked that English alphabets will continue to be taught to children in the natural order of ABCD. As we all know, English teaching starts in grade one in Ethiopian schools. One can imagine the benefit of learning the alphabets in the two languages alike. Why do they create this confusion to children, while it is not in the interest of the children (as we watched on Oromia Television a teacher in Sululta reflecting students’ dissatisfaction and that of the teachers with the confusion of changing the alphabets)?

6. The psycholinguistic factor

One of the TV interviewees was heard saying psycholinguistic method was one of the factors that triggered the change (means, cognitive faculty captures simple words than complex ones). Apparently this claim sounds logical. But what has it got with learning “l” first and “a” next? Is “a” difficult than “l”? Dr. Firdisa Jabessa, an established educator at Addis Ababa University, told a journalist while asked the change OPDO made to Qube, that children first pronounce “A” and “B” when they learn talking at toddler stage, not “L”. They start with “Aba”. This is true for all children in the world.

7. The socio-linguistic factor
Since the coming to effect of Qube, Oromos know Qube in the order they have learnt it from day one of their acquaintance with the writing system. Kids chanted ABCD, renowned singers including Ali Birra, produced pieces of lyrics and Oromos across the world cherished ABCD unanimously. Why the TPLF masters and OPDO surrogates want to intervene in this public business? Don’t they know, the level of Oromo attachment to the Qube issue?

8. Detachment from the world
One would hardly believe that Oromo children are less intelligent than the children around the world to learn their alphabet. There is no a story of similar step where countries or communities changed their regular alphabet to teach them to their children. Alphabet teaching is not a rocket science. It needs a lot of elements to help children identify alphabets and read texts properly. Therefore, to alter the order of alphabets known to the world has nothing to do with teaching letters.
Aleqa Kidanewold Kifle, an Amharic lexicographer argues (may be before 50 years back) that Amharic should change its alphabet order from “ሀ ለ” to “አ በ ገ ደ” because the world alphabets start with “A”.

9. The true reason for kids to fail to identify alphabets

One of the scary reasons is that the majority of kids in Oromia are unable to read and write when they complete first cycle school (grades 1-4) is a policy issue. This fact is boldly told to the public by one of the OPDO officials during the TV briefing, though those who are aware of the current Ethiopian education system prettily know it. The major problem here is the so-called self-contained system where one teacher is assigned for the kids to teach all subjects in the first cycle.
Moreover, there are a lot of factors that affect the learning-teaching process at this formative stage, some of which are lack of well trained teachers, teacher-student ratio (up to 80 students in a class room), textbook-student ration, lack of pedagogical facilities such as teaching aids, (fillip chart, flash card, picture books, realia, paly boars etc.), lack of motivation from the part of the teachers, lack of incentive and party membership nepotism, lack of academic freedom among others

10. Preschool policy
The Ethiopian education system is devoid of a preschool policy. There are no publicly funded preschools or kindergartens in Ethiopia. Cities have an assortment of private preschools and kindergartens but there are fewer or no institutions in rural areas. Typically, the children from poor, urban families or those living in rural areas do not attend preschool at all. That means, children enter grade one before learning how to pronounce and spell sounds. This is a country where 85% of the population lives in rural areas and there is not policy as to how to teach basic alphabets and arithmetic to the kids and there are no preschool institutions. Therefore, one can see no liability in the order of Afan Oromo alphabet for the failure of children to read or write.

11. The undercover project
The fact lies somewhere. The change that OPDO made changes to Qube is a political intrigue, which is part and parcel of destabilizing the Oromo society. Known to all, the OPDO goons would not take any policy initiative by their own be it bad or good. The project owners are the TPLF masters. They want to narrow every space they believe benefiting and promoting Oromia. Afan Oromo is a big capital and a unifying force. TPLF wants to infiltrate in this business and disrupt the pace and progress of Afan Oromo development.

Hyenas in the olden days and hyenas of our time

Tullu Liban
An Amharic proverb has it that once upon a time a hyena went to a foreign land where nobody knew him he was a carnivorous. They say the hyena told his hosts to get him a bed made of skin for the night. I think that hyena was so scrupulous and polite that he never tried to cheat the people who knew that he could never sleep on a bed made of skin. Thus, he left the people who knew him and tried to pretend he was a good guest in a foreign land.

Hyenas of our time are shameless. They are so rude when they cry wolf. They don’t understand the intelligence of the people who know them from day one of their birth to their adult age. Hyenas of our time eat everything even sacks let alone skins. And yet, they want to have a skin made bed for their nap. Everybody knows that they eat any bit of mattresses made of skins.

These are the TPLF hyenas and the OPDO foxes. In the tales, our parents told us foxes are servants of hyenas. They told us that foxes hunt for hyenas and eat the leftover when hyenas are full. This analogy works exactly for TPLF masters and OPDO servants.
OPDOs have no the slightest moral ground to brag about economic revolution and tell the public that the Oromo people are their only masters. ( Someone quoted Lemma Megerssa as saying in his speech at the 27th birthday anniversary of OPDO). No, no OPDO boys and oldies. Your master is TPLF. Your masters are not Oromos. There are uncountable evidences to justify this fact. Do you want to know some of your scandals?
Defend these ones if you can, though.

1. TPLF created you in Tigray and told you your birth place was Dherra in Oromia. You told the public for 24 years or so you were born at Dherra. For the reason your masters know (not you) they told you to retell the public you were born in Tigray. You did so. Shame on you!
2. TPLF told you, you are one of the coalition members in EPRDF and that you each would run endowments as TPLF, OPDO, ANDM and SPDM. You were told you would each rlook after Guna, Dinsho, Ambasael and Wondo in that order. For sure Dinsho died because the masters told you to kill it while Guna has grown to a multi-billion and multi-sector company. I doubt if Wondo had better destiny than Dinsho. Ambasel is in its death bed.
3. You were told that Fana Radio (which is now called Fana Broadcasting Corporate) was the property of the four “coalition” members (TPLF, OPDO, ANDM and SPDM). You have never been part of it and it remained to be the property of TPLF.
4. You were initially told and declared in your constitution that Finfinnee is the seat of Oromia state. Ten years later you were told by the masters to evacuate hurriedly from Finfinnee and camp in Adama disregarding protests of the Oromo people. You cracked down on Mecha and Tulama and failed at least to protest in unison with the Oromo people.
5. As part of the Oromo people’s protest against the move of Oromia seat from Finfinnee, Oromo students across the country demonstrated peacefully. Finfinnee University students were in the forefront. Your masters fired 320 Oromo students in a single day from the university, killed some and jailed others. The masters told you to endorse the action. Junedi Saddo, your head, proudly appeared on a TV screen and blessed the barbaric measure.
6. When CUD shook the TPLF government the masters ordered you via telephone to come back to Finfinnee. You immediately rushed back, without any precondition. Even you didn’t wait at least to nullify the law you had enacted to move to Adama.
7. You were told right after elections 2005 that there would be established 10 high schools in the ten sub cities of Finfinnee to teach in Afan Oromo and Abadula Gemeda put cornerstones in each of the places meant for the construction of the schools. Nothing has been materialized over 12 years.
8. In 2011 the So-called Oromo Development Association (ODA), a lame organization considered as a private property of AWAD Jibril bragged to mobilize 3 billion (three billion birr) in a telethon to undertake various development projects in Oromia. Many Oromo children were motivated by the rhetoric made by Mulugeta Debebe, then ODA president, that the dream would come true. However, your masters told you to stop such kind of effort in favor of the Renaissance Dam. You zipped your mouth. You remember that in 2010 Amhara Development Association collected 1 billion birr in a telethon for similar purpose.
9. From 2015 November to 2016 October Oromia was on fire. Still the region is on hidden fire. Your masters killed Oromo children, pregnant, elders and students. They ordered you to celebrate the killings. Muktar Kedir appeared, (then your head) on a TV screen and thanked the killers and appreciated the sniper bullets that hit heads and chests of our people.
10. Your masters deployed killing regiments in various peripheral parts of Oromia (South and East) in particular, under the guise of ethnic conflicts with the neighboring tribes. You know that tribes don’t have heavy weapons, military uniform and trucks to invade Oromia. Even your spokesperson Addisu Arega told the VOA Amharic news that the armed invaders in the south and the east are in military uniforms. You kept quiet.
So, how do you boast of economic revolution as if the Oromo people don’t know your role in the system you are serving? Lol I expect you to appropriately refute these facts. Don’t shout like empty vessel. If you can’t refute, don’t talk and brag nonsense.

Economic revolution? The chain is on the dog’s neck

By: Tullu Liban
Some people seem to be touched and thrilled by Lemma Megersa’s public tizzies. Indeed, Lemma talks Afan Oromo prettily and his verbose are quite attractive, though yet to be tested in action. Such glossy talks are not bad albeit the mix-up of OPDO’s pragmatic power limit and their confused world.

The fact speaks for itself, though. How come one expects economic or otherwise emancipation to come from an enslaved group? We don’t need any lecture on Oromo nationalism and economic marginalization from Lemma, for that matter. The level of Oromo self-consciousness is far way ahead than Lemma and co. would believe. We have had enough of them over years and no rhetoric can be a panacea for Oromo questions but action. The fact is that OPDO can bring neither economic nor political empowerment for the Oromo people given its obvious position in the power relations. They cannot because they are not made to do or be so. The very people who are caged in the nursery of TPLF; hived off from the people they are meant to represent, cannot liberate others before they do declare their own freedom. OPDOs (not the file and rank ones) are up in the line of politics so long they serve the interest of the masters who installed them. They are installed for a purpose. That purpose is to be an ensemble for TPLF interest in order that the latter could exploit resources of Oromia.

TPLF doesn’t want the Oromo people but their resources. Therefore, they don’t want to empower the people whom they are determined to loot indefinitely. They are not that naive to lose their grip over the resource they direly need. Thus, they don’t permit OPDOs to exercise a real power. If one believes OPDODs are exercising a real power in the Oromia leadership or in the fake federalism, one is simply foolish or far away from the tricks of Tigrian politics.
Lemma is not in the service of the Oromo people because he is not elected by free will of the people. He is an assignee of TPLF and his cabinet too. Where is the point then, that one hopes Lemma will bring about economic revolution for the Oromo people?
Lemma is instructed to deliberately speak up loudly picking up the language of honest Oromo elites: nationalism, marginalization, segregation, dehumanization etc. Yes, it seems the plan is hitting the target, it caught public attention for a moment; but couldn’t cool down public temper as it was supposed to.
TPLF emboldened Lemma Megerssa and Beker Shale to spark a dialogue to measure the thermometer of Oromo politics. In a way, TPLF will buy time, respire for a while, work out how to quell the next chapter of inevitable Oromo fight that bothers them day and night.
Those who are hoping OPDOs will change the powerline in Ethiopia’s politics are misleading themselves. OPDO is a handmade “speaking tool”. When the creators, the TPLF masters want them to speak, OPDOs speak nicely and loudly. When they are told to act, they will perform exceedingly. Don’t forget, the chain is on their neck, yet. To loosen a chain on the neck of one’s dog or tighten, fasten it, is not decided by the dog itself but by the owner. That is the situation in which the OPDO surrogates find themselves. If any change happens, in answering Oromo questions, it happens because of the irresistible smack TPLF gangs sustained because of the nonstop Oromo struggle.
Even amid the shocks it has experienced, TPLF still aspires to survive in the years to come. In 2020, TPLF will conduct another round of sham elections in Ethiopia. In the next elections, they want to cling to power by hook or crook. They deploy different tactics to achieve that dream. One of the tactics is addressing some of the Oromo questions. They may promote Afan Oromo as the second federal language, at least theoretically. They may enact a law on Oromia-Finfinnee relations, at least on paper. They may delegate regions to administer certain portions of the economy (with strict control of the center). All these cosmetic reforms will happen to legitimize the next survival of TPLF as a central powerhouse of the empire. As we can see preparations are underway in the name of political negotiation where Oromia is not represented. There will be some individuals in the name of opposition parties in the next parliament of TPLF (Tolessa Tesfaye, Lidetu Ayalew and Ayele Chamisso in mind) . And yet, the essence of the real power relations will remain under the full control of TPLF.
The whole effort of TPLF is now to finalize a groundwork to get a “pass grade” for the 2020 elections. Then, they will prepare another strategy for the 7th, 8th, 9th and 10th rounds to realize the 50 year Tigrian rule dream.
The thing is that OPDO protagonists like Lemma Megerasa, are in the TPLF utmost service so that the former could buy time for power perpetuation. Lemma and his OPDO are agents of TPLF in Oromia as we know them since their creation from POWs.
One must ask Lemma when he broadly opens his mouth about Oromo marginalization where he has been hitherto. He has been an active player, a forefront striker in effecting the marginalization process. One would not have been surprised if Lemma was a newcomer to the OPDO circle. However, it wouldn’t make any sense to hear his ostentatious rhetoric he himself being one of the persons in the enemy service by heart. For heaven’s sake, how dare the thoughts of Oromo economic empowerment came through Lemma’s revelation as if he has not been part and parcel of the system that made the Oromo people sustain the pains? Okay fine, now say they came to their sense to realize the pains, how can Lemma and his comrades reverse politically designed marginalizations under the slave-master relationship with TPLF?
If politics is not a magical activity or a divine business, in this real world of humans, there will be no economic empowerment without political empowerment. If the chain on the neck of OPDO was not in the palms of TPLF, one would hope to see changes in different life aspects as far as Oromia is concerned. But the remote control is not in the palms of the dogs; the masters do hold that chain; will they loosen the grip? No! They may let the dogs relax temporarily, not permanently.
In sum, we are sure whatever reform TPLF conducts in the name of OPDO or if OPDO does something good to answer a portion of Oromo questions, they do it not because they wished to do it nor OPDO dared to demand it. If the OPDO stooges had that ability, they could have materialized many of Oromo demands long ago. The harder we hammer them, the tight we press them, the more our dreams are achieved. They are not granting us our rights. We are gabbing them through struggle. Whatever benefit comes in favor of Oromia, we welcome them because they are the result of Oromo struggle, not a gift from the enemy. They are achieved by struggle thanks to our martyrs who shed their blood selflessly for the noble cause.

Namni miseensa OPDO ta’ee Sirna Wayyaanee Tajaajile Hundi Yakka Sirni sun raawwateef itti Gaafatama

Jawar Mohammed

Juneeydii Saadoo gara miidiyaatti as bahuun mariifi falmii jabaa banee jira. Atakaaroon kun qalbii ummataa qabsoo irraa hamma tokko waan facaaasuuf gariin keenya yaaddayuun ni mul’a. Yaaddoon kun naaf gala. Garuu mariifi falmiin kun har’a sababa Juneeydiitin haa ka’uu malee turus ummanni Oromoofi mooraan qabsoo isaa waanuma itti dhufuuf deemtuudha. Kunis ilmaan Oromoo OPDO keessatti aangoo qabatanii meeshaa diinaa ta’anii turaniifi ammas jiran akkam goona kan jedhuudha.

Mariin kun amumarraa eegaluun Qabsoon Oromoo boqonnaa siyaasaa cehuumsaa ( transitional politics) keessa seenuu isii agarsiisa. Jalabultii kufaatii sirna abbaa irreefi dhalachuu bilisummaatti biyya kamittuu dhimmi qondaalota sirna jiguuf deemu tajaajilaa turanii ajandaa mariifi falmii cimaa ta’a. Adaduma qabsoon tun jabaattuun Oromoota dhiisaati Tigroonnuu bidiruu mootummaa kufaa jiruu sanirraa utaaluun karaa ummataa ykn karaa baqaa filachuun waan hin oolle. Jara bidiruu diinaa irraa utaalu kana bidiruu qabsoo keenyaa yaabachiifna moo, bishaanuma gadi darbina? Gara mooraa qabsoo yoo finnee faaydaafi miidhaan jiru maali? Erga mootummaan kun kufee hoo qondaalota OPDO gandarraa hanga fedaraalaa jiran kana akkam goona? Jara Tigrootaa hoo? Ni adabna moo dhiifama goonaaf? Yoo adabaman warra sadarkaa kami irra jirutu adabama? Warra maal balleesse? Adabbii akkamii? Dhaddacha seeraa kamiin ( domestic or international)? Dhiifamni ( amnesty) yoo kan godhamuuf taate hoo sirna kamiin godhama? Warra isaan miidhan hoo gumaa akkamittu kafalamaaf? Eenyutu kafalaaf? Siyaasaa biyya teenyaa tan fuulduraa keessatti ni hirmaachifna moo taphaan ala taasifna? (Akka Wayyaaneen ESAPA goote.) OPDOn akka jaarmayaatti itti fufti moo ni diigna? Gaafileen kun hundi kan mariiifi falmiin ciccimtuun irratti godhamee deebiin ammumarraa qopheeffamaafi deemuu qabuudha.

Waan takko garuu ammumarraa ifa godhuun barbaachisaadha. Namni miseensa OPDO ta’ee sirna Wayyaanee tajaajile hundi yakka sirni sun raaw’ateef itti gaafatama. An gaafas hin beekne, hin dhageenye, aangoo dhugaa na harkaa hin jirtuun itti gaafatamummaa jalaa nama hin baasu ( Ignorance does not absolve one from responsibility). Qondaalonni kun yakka hojjatamaa tureefi jiru keessatti takkaa suduudaan hirmaatanii jiran; ykn osoo arganii itti dhiisan. Kanaaf balleessaa irraa of qulqulleessuu hin danda’an. Akka badii isaanii kanaaf itti adabaman garuu waan boru heeraafi seeraan murtaaye hojitti hiikamu ta’a. Har’a qondaalonni kun badii isaanii amananii dhiifama gaafachuun mirga isaaniiti. Dhiifama san namuu mata-matatti irra fudhachuufi dhiisuu danda’a. Garuu ummanni Oromoo waloon gaafii dhiifamaa irratti deebii kennuuf yeroon ammaa miti. Sirni kun erga kufee booda akkuma biyyoota biroo qaamni ( komishinii) yakka sirna abbaa irree keessatti raaw’atame qoratee, yakkamtoota irratti murtii adabbii (prosecute) ykn dhiifamaa ( amnesty) dabarsu dhaabbachuu qaba. Kanaaf ammo ogeeyyii seeraa dhimmaa transitional justice irratti barnoota guddaa horatan waan qabnuuf ammumarraa itti qophaayuu eegaluu qaban. Waa hundaafuu mariifi falmiin dhimma kanarratti godhamu itti fufuun hammeenya hin qabu; garuu miira tasgabbaa’een haa godhamu.

Merera Gudina: Oromo protests and the future of Oromo struggle

A keynote address by Merera Gudina, chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress, at the 2016 Oromo Studies Association (OSA) annual conference.

Introduction

I am here today to talk more about ourselves than the regime in power about whom I have been talking for a quarter of a century. I want to share my thoughts with you openly and honestly because I believe we have reached a stage where open, frank and honest discussion are necessary to lead our people towards the ultimate goal of liberation in our long journey to freedom. As we march forward, we should be honest to ourselves and to our people.

Exactly twenty two years ago, I presented a paper on how to democratize multi-ethnic polities like Ethiopia at the International Conference on Ethiopian Studies held at Michigan State University.

I then argued that “Oromos are the best candidate and centrally placed in terms of history, geography and demography to lead the country’s democratization drive. I even further argued that “Oromos can better claim that they are nearer to the Menilek palace at Arat kilo than those who came from Menez yesterday and Adwa today”. Some Oromo nationalists who found my ideas infuriating painted me as if I am playing the role of Gobana of the 19th century. In fact, they accused me of treason against the interest of our people. Undeterred, I continued to do what expected of me as much as I have understood the trends of Oromo politics, Ethiopian politics, African politics and global politics – all of which I had taught at Addis Ababa University for twenty eight years before I was pushed out because of my involvement in national politics.

Over the last quarter century, Oromo activists have grown matured politically. I have also outgrown my views. All of us have transcended our limitations. We find ourselvesin the same boat in the rising tide of Oromo nationalism. Today, Oromo nationalism a rising boat that is able to accommodate all of us. Without going to details many Oromos including Gadaa (Tesfaye) Gebreab have started to write about Merera’s way. It is with this new spirit that I am addressing OSA as a Keynote speaker twenty two years later.

The rise of modern Oromo nationalism

Let me say few things regarding the rise of modern Oromo nationalism and the major turning points thereof. As you might aware, the conjuncture of two episodes: the creation of Matcha and Tulama Association at the centre and the Bale uprising have immensely contributed to the birth of modern Oromo nationalism. They served as the first turning point and/or a great awakening for the Oromos.

To be sure, the Bale uprising has had a major impact not only on the rise of modern Oromo nationalism but also it had an important influence on the Ethiopian Student Movement that brought down Ethiopia’s ancien regime in 1974. I remember in the heydays of the Ethiopian Student Movement abroad: which way to the revolution: the Bale way or the Bole way had been an important question of tactics. The Bale way symbolized the determined militants’ way while the Bole way symbolized the way of softer revolutionaries. EPRP was the best example of the Bale way as it tried to come through Asimba – the replacement for Bale while MEISON represented the softer Bole way. In short the Bale uprising captured the imagination of the militant generation that brought about the 1974 popular revolution.

The second turning point in Oromo nationalism came with the revolution of 1974, which answered the most popular demand of the generation: “land to the tiller” in which Oromos and the rest of the southern peoples benefited most as serfdom and/tenancy was abolished. In fact, without exaggeration the radical land reform of 1975 was what made the Ethiopian revolution a revolution and the single most important victory for the Oromos and the rest of the southern peoples in the last 150 years. In a nutshell, it broke the economic backbone of the Neftegna system –rule by the gun.

Oromo intellectuals of the generation fully supported and implemented the historic “land to the tiller” proclamation. The end of tenancy and Oromos reclaiming of their ancestral land was historic in the sense that it marked the end of the Neftegnasystem – a great leap forward in our people’s march for freedom. It was the answer to the land question, which made the Ethiopian revolution of 1974 a revolution that moved millions of people into making a new history. Sadly, this is the historic gainthat the TPLF is bent on reversing under the guise of development. Under the current drive of land grab – the slogan “land to the tiller” is turned into ‘land to the investors’. That is why the Oromo youth are dying under the slogan “stop the land grab, lafti keenya, lafee keenya”.

Oromo intellectuals of the revolutionary generation failed to use wisely the opportune moment created by the revolution and the land reform. In other words, the second turning point in the history of modern Oromo nationalism had a negative dimension. To be more precise, the division which is still with us today started with the revolution of 1974. The inexperienced Oromo revolutionaries were seriously divided on the way forward. Some opted for socialism, i.e. transformation of Ethiopia as whole while others were attracted to the more radical version of Oromo nationalism and started to fight for the creation of Oromia republic. MEISON symbolized the socialist project while ECHAT – later OLF symbolized the more radical form of Oromo nationalism. Two contradictory slogans subsequently emerged: ‘red Gobena’ ,referring to the Oromo socialists within MEISON and ‘narrow nationalists’, referring to ECHAT and OLF members. The division consigned Oromo revolutionaries of the day into different camps. ECHAT and OLF members had extravagantly used the ‘red Gobana’ tag against the MEISON members while the MEISON members used the same extravagancy in calling ECHAT and OLF members ‘narrow nationalists’. The cost was too high for all of us. Consequently, the cream of that radical generation was decimated in the crisis that followed while some of us who escaped death passed our best years in prison cells – probably more horrible than the present ones.

The third turning point in modern Oromo nationalism came in 1991 when the OLF joined the transitional government controlled by the TPLF and EPRDF. The OLF despite its military weakness was able to mobilize people across Oromia. Millions of people were rallied behind the OLF and it suddenly became a major political force. Moreover, the Oromia region was created and Oromiffa has become a working language in Oromia. In fact, for a brief period of time OLF had become a government within a government in Oromia. And people thought total freedom was around the corner. The TPLF, which was watching the dramatic rise of the OLF very quickly moved to use its OPDO surrogates to crush the OLF. Despite its far less impressive military performance, the OLF has survived the TPLF’s military machine and has become the spirit of Oromo nationalism. I don’t remember how many times the EPRDF regime declared the OLF is dead in the last twenty five years and accuse the next day the OLF is being behind this or that incident and round up many young Oromos as terrorists. In other words, although militarily less effective, the OLF has shown a remarkable capacity to survive.

All along the EPRDF has been using its illegitimate child (Diqala) to rule the Oromia region by the use of sheer force and the consequent confrontation between the OLF and the Ethiopian regime has been too costly for the OLF and the Oromo people at large. However, a good thing here is that the rising tide of Oromo nationalism has persisted with its ups and downs and the regime could not fully suppress it.

In the meantime as Oromo resistance has continued, the Oromo National Congress was created in 1996. It made a good showing in the 2005 elections. Moreover, it has become yet another alternative in the Oromo people’s quest for freedom and democracy. It also opened yet another front in the struggle by using the legal platform created by the regime for donors’ consumption. It also survived the regime’s political surgery following the 2005 elections and five years later merged with another Oromo legal organization – the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM) and formed the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC). The merger helped the unity of our people and enhanced our capacity to lead the struggle at home. Needless to add the rise of ONC/OFC brought back the Oromo dilemma: which way to the liberation of the Oromos? Needless to add the resolution of this dilemma is extremely important for the future of our people in its quest for freedom & democracy. We are yet to learn how to work with each other and our neighbors for a common national interest.

The Oromo Protest

The fourth turning point in the history of modern Oromo nationalism is the Oromo protest. To be sure, the 2014 Oromo protest in which about 78 people, mostly young people were killed, has been a precursor for the current protest, which is much more strong, wide spread and a mortal threat to the regime. Several factors contributed to the outbreak of the protest. Here, it is important to note that although it is difficult to apportion credits – as most Oromo organizations including the OPDO have contributed at different levels and arguably for different interest.interest. The OMN has done marvelous job in bringing the protest to the world stage. Oromo artists have also been at the forefront of the struggle – people like Haachaaluu Hundeesa, ChalaBultum, MuluBekele, Gelana, JamboJotie, etc. moved millions for the struggle by their appealing songs.

As you all know, the causes of the protests are many: chief of which are the historical marginalization of the Oromos as well as the continued marginalization, the dangerously growing corruption, maladministration and the discrimination thereof, the existence of the OPDO as a wound in Oromo nationalism, youth unemployment, etc; while the extensive land grab and the displacement thereof is a triggering factor. In a nutshell, the Oromo people as a whole and the youth in particular have been fed up with regime that successfully failed to promise them a better future.

Without minimizing the role of other Oromo organizations let me briefly tell you the contribution of the Oromo Federalist Congress to the on-going struggle. Our most important contribution has been the most effective campaign we were able to conduct during the 2015 elections. And thanks to the support of the Oromo Diaspora, we were able to organize a campaign that moved millions across Oromia. We could field more than ten land cruisers armed with loud speakers more for than two months. We were able to conduct street to street campaigns, organize mass rallies as high as 80 – 100,000 and distributed more than 3 million fliers containing clear messages to the youth, the farmers, the OPDOs as well as the security personnel in Oromia. I recall a police man who wept at our rally in Ambo when I said “you were born to an Oromo family, brought up by Oromo’s milk, when you die it is Oromo’s who will give you a decent burial, don’t kill your brothers and sisters to serve the interest of others”.

The inspiring mass rallies we had in Arsi, especially in Shashamane, Dodolla, Karsa and Shalla; the public meetings we had in Adama and Ciro stadiums; the rallies of fearless youth in KarsaMalima, South-west Shewa; the rallies we had in Hollota, Ginchi, Jaldu and Gindeberet, the turnout we got in Ambo, Guder, Gedo, MedaKegn, Bako, Shamboo, Nekempt, Gimhbi and Dembi Dollo, our rally in Bule Hora and finally the horses of Tikur-Inchini were all memorable rallies which taken together moved millions, especially the Oromo youth. In the 3 million fliers we distributed and in the mass rallies we organized our messages were loud and clear: they include “stop land grab, stop robbing the resources of our people, stop repression, stop discrimination, etc.”

We also promised lower taxation, lower fertilizer price and selected seeds and above all equal opportunity for employment and making Oromiffa the national language of the country alongside Amharic. Of course the creation of true federalism and democratic governance –i.e. genuine shared-rule and self-rule were at the centre of our campaign messages. In fact, the OPDOs were carrying bags of money to buy the votes of our people while our strategy was to mobilize people to the maximum of our capacity. By doing so we were able to expose the crimes of the TPLF/EPRDF regime to the full. I think, millions of Oromo youth we moved during the elections have taken their lessons seriously and applied their knowledge in the on-going struggle.

Moreover, after the elections when the OPDO brought back the Master Plan through the back door– we immediately called a public meeting at our office – under the slogan “stop the land grab and/or laftikenya, lafekenya”. And We called all Oromos to oppose the new land grab after the land reform of 1975. In fact, we compared the new land grab to the imperial days of land grab. I think, this immensely contributed to the resistance that followed.

Without exaggeration, the protest not only has become the fourth turning point in modern Oromo nationalism, it helped Oromos to make a great leap forward to the ultimate goal of liberation. Furthermore, it brought respect for Oromos both from their neighbors and the international community. Western diplomats and journalists most of whom might have never heard about Oromos crisscrossed Oromia to gauge the level and depth of Oromo protest. Oromos are suddenly recognized “Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group”. The protest has become the reminiscent of the Gada warriors of the 16th century and Oromos suddenly found new faith in themselves and started to believe that liberation is in their owns hands and within reach. I myself who have seen the revolutionary upheaval of 1974 and the overthrow of the military regime in 1991 was surprised when millions moved into action across the vast land of Oromia in a very short period of time.

As I said earlier, for the first time in Oromo history foreign diplomats, parliamentarians and journalists roamed the Oromo streets to understand the cause and the depth of Oromo protests. I remember what one day a young Dutch scholar asked me. She said to me “I am going to Ginchi and should I take a tablet for malaria?”. I told her “Ginchi is in a high land area and no need for it and asked her what you do there?”. With force she said “I want to see with my own eyes, the birth place of Oromo protest”. In summary, the Oromo youth have shown us the path to liberation with their blood by crossing the organizational divides and acting in unity as a result of which both our neighbors and the international community started to respect us as a people. Furthermore, it has opened a new chapter in the Oromo people’s struggle for freedom and democracy, which is a great leap forward – at that a new turning point. I dare say, Ethiopia will never be the same again. The protest has shown us what a united & determined people can achieve in the face of various challenges.

Every media outlet from American presses to BBC – to French Radio International and Aljazeera talked to us and covered the protests that were taking place even in the remote Oromia villages. Every western diplomat based in Addis talked to us. I remember American. British, Dutch, Swedish, German, Norway as well as the European Union parliamentarians discussing with us regarding the dimension and direction of the Oromo protest. The Oromos, who have been forgotten by the world powers, suddenly become the centre of their attention.

Reasons as to why non-Oromos are not attracted to join the Oromo protest until now may be many, but we can single out two main factors: one is what all of you know – fear of the Oromo separation agenda from many quarters. The other is what many people have not fully grasped – Oromos now have two political forces that have real life among the Oromo people – the OLF and OFC There are no comparable political groups in other regional states. Despite its weakness as an organization, the OLF has always been there to inspire the Oromo youth. Since 2005 the ONC – now the OFC has been using to the extent possible the legal platform.

Thanks to the support of the Diaspora including OMN, OFC was able to move millions of Oromo youth across the vast land of Oromia. In a nutshell, there is no political party that could capture the imagination of the youth in other regions of Ethiopia. To make my points clearer, if they had the capacity to do it, more than the solidarity, they could have joined the struggle with their own demands as they have plenty of them from Walkeit to the sale of land to the Sudan – to political repression and youth unemployment. To me understanding such differences is very important to plan for the future struggle.

The third important difference is that Oromo nationalism has passed the stage where Oromo quislings or traitors could not easily control. Surprisingly, more than three million OPDO members could not resist the rising tide of Oromo nationalism: some quickly gave in; some joined the popular uprising while some die-hards tried to stop the forward march of history. The Amhara youth have not reached that stage and the hodam Amharas still in control of the situation. To be sure, the Amhara mobilization is much stronger in the Diaspora while in the case of the Oromo – mobilization in the home front – especially that of the youth is much more united and stronger than abroad. The fourth difference is – the Diaspora Oromo activists are more connected to the grass root in the home front and hence have got much more influence over the youth at home. For all practical purposes the youth at home look at people like Jawar as their commander in-chief in their war against the regime. I don’t see comparable influence in the case of Amhara youth.

The dilemma over the road map to liberation and Our Chronic Division

The Arab world’s most known journalist, Mohammad Hykal, who had been very angry at the division of the Arab leaders once said “the Arab leaders met, agreed to disagree”. This is what has become the culture of Oromo political leaders for more than a generation. Let us admit that Oromo political parties are yet to learn how to aggregate their interest to work for a win – win situation by developing the art of compromise in our politics. The same applies to the larger Ethiopia. In addition to learning the art of compromise – to reach our ultimate goal, unity of purpose and action should be our guiding principle. We should be able to differentiate between the role of liberation movements and political parties struggling for power in a normal situation. We need to talk to each other, not over each other; we should stop dialogue of the deaf and listen to each other. Especially, we should know the consequences of our actions.

One of the most serious setbacks/we even can call it a disease of Oromo movements and/or political leadership is their failure to handle political differences and easily jumping to character assassinations of all kinds, especially when old friends take different political positions. Far worse, the blind followers easily follow the words of their superiors and jump to attack the new enemy they have created. I think the solution for this is to openly and honestly debate over our differences as well as on the way forward without demonizing each other. I believe internal democracy is necessary to tackle real political differences. Yet another serious problem in Oromo political organizations is lack of political dynamism both in our thinking and actions. And because of fear of each other, it takes years for Oromo political leaders to adopt new policies even when the reality on the ground demand quick action and moving fast.

Frankly speaking, because of our weakness, we could not produce a strong leader like the Eritreans or a collective leadership like the TPLF until Meles pushed aside the rest of his comrades to emerge as a sole dictator. We are also not good at establishing better cooperation with our neighbors and minimize our enemies. We really need to create real alliances that help us to move forward. I hope we understand even the mighty America creates both tactical and strategic alliances across the globe to promote its interests.

Sadly and surprisingly, the war over the internet has continued among Oromo political forces even at a point in time when the Oromo youth is writing a new history with their blood. No less surprising, I heard some even suggesting that there is no need for political organizations and the dispersed movement alone could do the job. To be sure, as much as I have understood both national and global politics – beyond a shadow of doubt, more than any point in time in the history of Oromo people’s struggle, our people need organization/organizations that can lead them across the finishing line to victory. To suggest otherwise is disarming our people and sabotaging their victory. Probably the suggestion may come out of political naiveties or frustration with existing organizations.

Whatever its sources, it is a self-defeating suggestion for which Oromos may pay very dearly. In this regard, all Oromos cannot be policy makers and while we reserve our right to oppose or support any Oromo organization, we should be careful in innocently selling the strategy of the enemy to our people as no people succeeded without leadership in modern history.

In our division, the worst and costly division is which came to us through the OPDOs. Originally the OPDOs were forced to join the wrong side of history as prisoners of war. Later most of them joined the wrong side of history willingly for their stomachs. Surprisingly, when OPDOs recruit members, they never, never, never talk about the cause of the Oromo people as they fully know they are not there to promote the cause of their people. In the Diaspora they always say “come and get the land for free” while at home they say “you get land, employment and/ or become an official to live good life”. Here, let me narrate to you my own experience.

A friend of mine, the elder brother of Hassan Ali (former president of the Oromia region), who then just joined the government asked me to join the OPDO. He told me that the OPDO was ordered to nominate nine Muslims and nine Christians as a quota to high office. I think they could not do that easily as many Oromo intellectuals were then supporters of the OLF. When he understood, I was not attracted to the lucrative high office, he said to me that “manas, makinashinargetajedheni” (i.e. I thought you can get a house, a car). This is the way millions of Oromos have joined the OPDOs and to use the words of Walter Rodney – the West Indies historian – “removed from history”. I think, we have a real challenge to bring them back to history these lost children of Oromia – by liberating them both from their stomachs and their masters.

The good thing is the Oromo protest has shown us is that the more than three million OPDO members – either because of their isolation, confusion or some level of Oromo nationalism retained in them – they could not stop the protest and the government had to send in its Agazi force and the federal police known for their notoriety to suppress the protest by sheer force.

The Challenges to our Intellectuals

Oromo intellectuals have developed a very bad culture of criticizing others by expecting from them miracles than taking practical actions themselves. Far worse, jealously (masanuma) has become a whole mark of our political culture. Oromo youth at home have broken it with their blood and it is high time that Oromo intellectuals and political leaders do the same to move forward. And whatever the source of the problem, this is yet our common disease we should overcome as quickly as possible.

Furthermore, the main challenge to Oromo intellectuals at home and abroad is how to participate in the struggle in a more meaningful way. The decisive moment has come when our intellectuals stop tailing the people’s struggle and start to contribute to the struggle in their brains and resources. Frankly speaking, what I hate to hear from our intellectuals is that they always say we are with you, but do nothing or very little in terms of contribution. I know Oromo intellectuals live in fear at home. I do not know how many of you in the Diaspora fully contributing to the struggle both in your brains and resources. What I generally hear is lamentations after lamentations about the weakness of this or that Oromo political organization. Who else is leading a better way, if our intellectuals are not joining the struggle in numbers and lead Oromo organizations more effectively?

I strongly urge you, if you wish success of the common struggle to join any organization of your choice and improve the quality of leadership for Oromo organizations. Some of you may tell me you are tired of supporting organizations that could not bring quick success. I remind you that success depends on the contribution of all of us to make our organizations and our struggle strong. For instance, intellectuals can better create think tanks for political organizations and help them perform better. Intellectuals can bring in the experiences of other successful nations. They can easily identify problems through empirical study and suggest viable solutions. They can invest their resources in the struggle while the Oromo youth invest their blood. What I am saying is that if we have the will, there are several ways to contribute.

I challenge Oromo intellectuals while the Oromo youth is writing a new history with its blood they should come out to honestly debate on the way forward so as help us to reach a national consensus. And as we fight to make our history, we also should be able to read the reality on the ground – and make hard choices based on facts – not on our wishes. I strongly believe compared to other groups in Ethiopia – Oromos should have very little worry about their future if they know how to play their game. What they should resolve as quickly as possible is their own little dilemma: which way to go forward and overcome the chronic division between Oromo political forces. Now the world has started to know us and understand us, we should do our homework as we claim our future so that we be people worthy of support. We should be able to learn the lessons of the lost opportunities in 1974; 1991 and 2005.

Oromo movements should be informed by current developments in global politics and listen to each other. To be frank with you Oromo artists have made more contribution to the protests than oromo intellectuals. One day – I met an Oromo artist from Ambo and asked him whether he is still around with his fiery songs. He boldly and confidently told me that “should we go to the bush even to sing?”. I haven’t seen comparable courage and confidence in my intellectual colleagues. In fact, what I always get when I meet them is an advice – “ofegi – becareful”.

Furthermore, the younger artists have really replaced the legendary singers: Ali Birra, Tsegaye Dandena, Kemer Yousef, ect; with their moving songs. I really wish Oromo intellectuals have the same courage.

Yet another main challenge to Oromo intellectuals is to go beyond driving expensive cars and buying good houses. I am not opposing doing that, if you are committed intellectuals, you can still have more resources to contribute to the liberation of our people. Honestly speaking I know a lot of Oromo friends in the Diaspora complaining, complaining and complaining about the cost of living in America to contribute for our organization 100 USD, but minutes later when we take more beer start to ask me about investment opportunities in Ethiopia.

Problems related to Resource Mobilization

I don’t know about other Oromo political organizations, the budget of our party is less than 10% of the price of a car a government spy or a TPLF businessman drives. In the 21st century we can only compete with enough resources and technology. We should not expect our organizations to deliver what we want unless we help them to develop the capacity to deliver.

If we know how to do it and the commitment to do it, there are several ways to do it. If the statistics I heard in Mennisota is correct, Oromos in the Diaspora from the America’s to Europe, the Middle East to Australia are more than 100,000. And if we have 100,000 Oromos in the Diaspora and they contribute One-Dollar –A Day as some say, I,.e. pay a tip of one dollar for the cause as you give a tip when you eat, we can raise 100,000 USD per day, 3,000,000 USD per month and 36,500,000 USD per year, i.e nearly one billion Ethiopian Birr. Even if this is less than an annual income of one TPLF businessman, this is a huge money for a political party like ours and we don’t even have to go to the bush to do the job. With that much of resource at our disposal we can become a real force and able to turn Oromo cities and towns to our bush.

Just imagine what can be done if all of you sponsor the struggle back home in the village you were born, woreda or zone. In this regard, even if I am extremely glad our Diaspora brothers and sisters have made a great leap forward in supporting our struggle at home, the older faces I know are still in their old politics. The best example is Minnesota, where almost all the older faces I know, did not show up even when we opened our first office in the western world. It appears, they have continued to be loyal to their old habits of doing things. As the saying goes – you cannot teach old dogs new tricks. They are yet to learn the success of one Oromo organization is the success for others too. I strongly advise them to engage in soul searching to transform themselves before they are discarded by history.

Yet another problem connected to our use of even the meager resources we mobilize is that Oromos are better at giving support for the victims/funerals than supporting political organizations that supposed to lead the struggle. Far worse, very often the money sent home end in the hands of OPDO spies. In this regard, a person I know well told me he gave 160,000 Birr to a spy in Ambo. I don’t know how much resources have been lost and being lost in such a way – which could have been used for the liberation of our people. In other words, we are not mobilizing enough resources for the struggle while which is raised is not properly and effectively used. Be sure that from this side of the planet, you cannot know who is who? Quislings of all sorts can easily get access to resource and divert it. I advise you to double check and recheck resources you send home – as it can be wasted like foreign aid to African dictators. In fact, I don’t know how much money the Diaspora sends that reach the needy. Taken as a whole, the message I want to pass is that we are not properly using even the resources we have mobilized.

Lack of Organizational Skill

One thing we should admit and overcome as quickly as possible is our organizational weakness. Organizations are central for any struggle to succeed. I still remember a slogan most popularized by EshetuChole, one of the most radical intellectuals of our generation at Addis Ababa University. He shouted a slogan:

One organize

Two organize;

Three organize

at the inauguration of the last leadership of the University Students Union of Addis Ababa, the famous USUAA, which was supported by the roaring sound of thousands of university staff and students. In this regard, there is a clear gap we should fill. As to my observation, Oromos never had an organization that matches their numerical strength for the last 500 years – i.e. since the Gada warriors of the 16th century. We need new skills to organize ourselves and back it up with the necessary resources. Our main problem is the failure to understand our potential and use it effectively in a way it makes a real difference. To be sure, the game of the 21st century is that of technology and resources for any organization to succeed.

As I raised above, another serious problem I see regarding Oromo organizations is that everybody is a policy maker. We have a right to oppose or support our leaders but, forty million Oromos cannot make their own individual policies for this or that party. We need leaders to lead us. To me, the best way forward is to build an organization/organizations that can lead the people for liberation and able to negotiate with force when necessary. To be sure, the real gap in our people’s struggle is the failure to build such organizations. Here , we should know a divided elite cannot lead a united nation. Don’t also forget that we succeed as a people and fall as a people. Hence, we should fight for our freedom as a people by overcoming our petty organizational and other differences.

Our People’s Struggle and the Disturbing American Foreign Policy

Let me raise the issue you all know well, American foreign policy troubles us. American diplomats have had the culture of working with the powers that be and winning and dinning with dictators. During the Cold War dictators from Chile’s Pinochet to Africa’s Mobutu – to Mubarak’s Egypt – to Philippines Marcos had wined and dined with successive American presidents. In our own situation, successive American leaders supported Emperor Haile Sellassie until the end came to his rotting regime.

As sometimes history is repeating itself, now they are doing the same for the EPRDF regime and may continue to do until the end. In one of my encounters with American officials after Obama’s shameful speech in Addis Ababa where he delighted his host by saying “you were elected by the people of Ethiopia,” I almost quarreled with the officials. I think the officials came to rebuild Obama’s damaged image. I told the officials “you are propping up the Ethiopian regime and consciously look away from its crimes”. He got angry and said “American foreign policy has three legs: humanitarian aid, development and security” and added “are you questioning our security arrangement with the Ethiopian regime”? I responded “whose security?- the security of the Ethiopian dictators or the security of the Ethiopian people?” A good thing is that about a month later, the Oromo protest, which surprised the Americans came. His lieutenant came back and at least visited Ambo.

Obviously the EPRDF regime is propped up by Western Governments, especially the big brothers. Even after I came here I visited some offices and their usual question is America’s security arrangement with the Ethiopian regime, which has always been at a standby and ready to serve them when they need it for peace keeping across Africa, especially in the Horn of Africa. It is such a story the American Embassy in Ethiopia is telling us. The real challenge to us is to draw a strategy that can move the West to go beyond their myopic security interest that led them to support the minority regime in Ethiopia. Mass rallies in front of the White House or the State Department are good and one of the options in our hands. I support them. But I always say both God and the Americans help those who help themselves.

Therefore, it is far better to build an organization/organizations that can speak to the Western governments and the EPRDF regime at home. Without backing up our diplomacy with force and building giant organizations that can talk and walk their talk, I don’t think we can move far. The real challenge is how to do our homework first before we beg others to help us.

In sum, in the last 20 years, I don’t remember how many times I visited the State Department, talked to senators and the congressmen & women. We could win-over only Donald Paine, who shifted his support to the opposition after the 2005 elections. As far as I can Judge from several of my encounters with American diplomats and my professional experience as a student of political science – you can influence American foreign policy-makers, in one of two ways: when you can become a force and they think you can bring down the regime in power or when the regime in power start to work against their interest like Mugabe of Zimbabwe. Therefore, to win the heart of the American leaders, we should become a force – a force that can speak to the Americans and the Ethiopian dictators. I think, we can do that if we can put aside our petty differences and invest in a real way to build organizations with committed leadership that make a difference. Know that the liberation of our people is in our own hands and while we seek the support of the Americans – we should do our homework as I earlier said, both God and the Americans help those who help themselves.

The Way Forward

Some say the Oromos came to present day Ethiopia in the 16th century while others take back this to the 10th century. Whatever that meant, beyond the shadow of doubt,Oromos constitute the largest nation in Ethiopia and/or the Horn of Africa. That bestows centrality on Oromos in the remaking of Ethiopia along democratic lines. Look for a moment at the history, geography and demography of Ethiopia. If the heart of Ethiopia is out with the Oromos, imagine what would happen to the remaining pieces. In all probability, the country may turn to a house of mad people where everybody throws stones against the other. If the turn to a mad house, because of their resources and their geography, in the end Oromos may be a net-loser.

I think, Oromos have to make a historic choice between assuming a central position in the remaking of Ethiopia or taking all the peoples of that country down together to the unknown world. To be sure, a minority regime cannot sponsor a democratic transformation, except in the South African way. Without claiming a copy right that is why I always say, Oromos should assume their rightful place of the remaking of Ethiopia in the interest of all the peoples of Ethiopia by ensuring a democratic transition that is fair to us and to our neighbors. I believe this is the best strategy to move forward in the re-writing of new history for our common home.

I have argued all along that the best strategy for the Oromos is to struggle for the taking-over of Menilek’s palace by championing democracy and sharing power based on one person-one vote. I still say Oromos should develop both the wisdom and capacity to end minority rule in Ethiopia. To do just that Oromos should able to create meaningful & strong democratic alliances with their neighbors based on trust and a fair game to both of us. If the country’s largest group is not ready to do that, who else is expected to do that can do that?.Oromos should not send fear to their neighbors, a very fact the minority regime has been always exploiting but security guarantees in a new democratic Ethiopia. These are the lessons we should learn from the Oromo protests, which moved millions of Oromos across the vast Oromia land while our neighbors are watching the drama from the side lines without showing any solidarity. Frankly speaking, many non-Oromo saw the Oromo protest as a threat, not as a liberator. This is a dilemma of our neighbors and yet another challenge of ours as we look into the future of our people’s struggle.

We should understand history, but should not be a prisoner of it. We should not forget our history, but not be its prisoners. We should operate dynamically in the fast changing dynamic world without losing ourselves in the game. We should embrace and work with those who want to work with us for a common goal while standing firm against those who aspire to give us the certificate to be Ethiopians. We should not allow the Oromo protest to be repressed by isolating it while the EPRDF regime is working day in and day out to mobilize our neighbors against us.

All of us should be ready to contribute our share by joining the call of history. There is an urgent need to resolve our own dilemma. I have been always arguing in terms of history, geography and demography Oromos are the best candidate to lead the democratization of Ethiopia. We should be aware of the fact that clashes of dreams and visions unless managed well can hurt all of us. In other words, Oromos should contribute to overcome the country’s political dead-end by making their contribution to overcome the clashes of dreams that has led to the political impasse for decades. Attracting our neighbors to a democratic game, i.e. a common middle road is a sine quanon for moving forwardthe country’s politics so as to save us from paying unnecessary cost.

At this historical juncture – we should be able to reassess our failures and successes to revitalize our movement by better strategizing our way of doing things. And as we fight for the freedom of our people, we should be able to use Oromos full potential with hope and confidence to engage our neighbors.

Lastly, let me say few things about OSA:

OSA is celebrating thirty years of its existence. I hope those who know it from birth to maturity can tell better the contours of its development, its ups and downs, i.e. give a better balance sheet. From a perspective of a distance onlooker, let me say the following: OSA has fought a thirty-year war in promoting Oromo nationalism with commitment and endurance in the world of academia. All of us should salute OSA for a good job done. We should encourage it, to take its work more aggressively with commitment and determination. Having said this, I want to raise some points regarding OSA based on my attendance of OSA meetings few times. First is time budgeting. Some programs are given much more time than others. I think, OSA time allocators should be serious in adhering to the original time. Time adjustments should be made if necessary with fairness. Secondly, some critical presentations are pushed to the end after many people are left or tired. I think, OSA would lose its central mission when real political issues that are critical to the survival of our nation arenot well covered or well attended. I understand OSA organizers do that to hold down people from leaving. I myself was not happy, for instance to make a speech in Chicago after the veterans of the Bale movement left or travailing several thousand kilometers to talk for few minutes at that after half of the meeting hall became empty. Thirdly circulation of OSA publications is limited, especially for the young readers at home. Even the universities in Oromia are not getting them. If not legally allowed, it can be done through some scholars. Lastly and more importantly, OSA should be able to find sponsors from Oromo communities and other organizations to enable the participation of more scholars from home as it is very important to create a better human link between the home-based intellectual community and those of you who are here.

Conclusion

Taking this opportunity I call upon all Oromo and Ethiopian political forces to unite and push the same democratic agenda.

I want to call upon the TPLF/EPRDF leaders to stop its repression and negotiate a fair democratic game with the genuine representatives of the various peoples of the country.

I also want to call upon the American government to stop supporting dictators who are terrorizing millions of their citizens in the name of fighting international terrorism.

Finally, let me conclude my presentation by repeating the immortal words of Kwame Nkrumah: Divided we fall, united we stand.

First Published on OPRIDE.COM

Open Letter regarding the carnage in Oromia and possible next steps

To:

  • Obbo Abbaa Duulaa Gammadaa, Speaker of the House of Representatives, FDRE.
  • Obbo Muktar Kedir, President of the National Regional State of Oromia.
  • Obbo Ibrahim Haji, Commissioner of Oromia Police.
  • All City Councils in charge of matters pertaining to Public Political meetings and Peaceful Demonstrations.

CC.

  • Dr Mulatu Teshome, President, FDRE.
  • Ato Hailemariam Desalegn, Prime Minister, FDRE; Chair of the Command Post currently governing Oromia.
  • General Samora Yunus, Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces, FDRE.
  • Ato Asefa Abiyu, Commissioner of the Federal Police.
  • Central & Executive Committee of EPRDF.
  • Central & Executive Committee of OPDO.

Subject: Open Letter regarding the carnage in Oromia and possible next steps

Dear Sirs,

It is to be recalled that the Oromo people have been expressing their total and complete discontent with the administration over the last eight months and a half. This expression has taken the form of peaceful protest (#Oromoprotests) forcing the government to rethink the Addis Ababa Master Plan, amend the Oromia Urban Development Proclamatio, reschedule the Ethiopian School leaving Exam and, more recently, to stop dumping waste in the Sandaafa area. Much to our disappointment and to the disappointment of the entire Oromo nation, this peaceful popular protest has been consistently met with overt violence from the Government’s security forces.

According to our estimates, over 6oo Oromos are killed. (It is to be noted that the Human Rights Watch had reported earlier that over 400 are murdered by government security officers arbitrarily. Even the regime has admitted that there were 173 killings and hundreds of incidents of injury to civilians, arbitrary arrests, and other forms of abuses, and yet there was no attempt on the part of the government to take political and legal responsibility for this.) Targeted killings have been going on even in the absence of any public demonstrations in Shashemene and the towns in the wider W Arsi district. The Government has so far not done its part to investigate the cause and bring the perpetrators to justice. Even as we write this letter today, the killing continues in Awaday. Few weeks ago, several arbitrary killing of children and other civilians was witnessed and burning of a building has also been observed while the local officials were watching the fire to the point of self-entertainment with the sight. Today, we have noticed the killing of protestors by snipers who targeted Oromo lives.

In the last eight months and a half, hundreds of peoples suffered wounds and other forms of bodily injury from shooting. Over 5000 Oromos were shot and injured by the Security Forces, mainly the Agazi. Tens of thousands have been victims of mass arrest and are suffering arbitrary detention and torture in prisons large and small in various parts of the country. Oromo leaders are detained and tortured as political prisoners. Hundreds are reported to be missing and are victims of forced disappearance. All this has been unaccounted for thus far as there was no independent commission of inquiry established to inquire into the matter. Nor has the government invited international investigators such as the UN’s Special Rapporteurs on Arbitrary Execution, Forced Disappearance, or the Committee of Experts.

The dispossession and displacement of Oromo farmers and residents including those in the suburbs of Addis Ababa) continues uninhibited so far. The civil administration of Oromia is still not restored in full. The Oromia National Regional State (ONRS) is still under the military rule that governs through a Task Force from a Command Post. Oromia is virtually under the rule of the Agazi.

The fundamental demands of Oromo people remain unaddressed. Discrimination is rife. Economic disempowerment, political marginalization, total loss of voice is patent.

Oromos are disproportionately represented in the statistics about the Ethiopian prison population. (It is reported that the prison population has risen from 86% to 95 % within the last nine months.) Oromo political leaders such as Bekele Gerba, Olbana Lelissa, Dejene Tafa, Addisu Bulala, and almost all of the OFC leadership are imprisoned for no legally justified reasons. They are subjected to abuses as political prisoners.

The state of basic social services is deteriorating from day to day. Health, road, and water services infrastructure have all collapsed to the point of crisis. There is virtually no semblance of governance in the region except the terrorizing of the civilian population through a heavy military presence across the region.

All these brutal killings, maimings, forced disappearances, and other forms of abuse were taken to be acts of a repressive dictatorial regime that is hateful of its peoples. Developments in recent days (especially those that transpired in the Amhara region) and the way the regime treated their demands presented a contrast that seemed to suggest to our people that these extraordinarily violent responses are reserved only for Oromos. In Oromia, when school children demonstrated unarmed and peacefully (to present their just demands for their rights), they were massacred in a torrent of bullets that rained on them from the Agazi Forces. Elsewhere, even people that are fully armed with guns stage a protest, present their demands, and come home safely. And that is as it should be. Few hours after the Gonder protest was peacefully concluded, the regime was conducting a campaign of sniper shooting in Awaday town (of East Hararghe Zone of Oromia) where 6 persons were killed and about 26 were shot and wounded.

This shows that the regime have different modes of treatment for different peoples of the country. It sends a message which indicates that Oromos, unlike others, are enemies to be eliminated at every opportunity. It also sends the message that there is a difference between the Amhara and Oromo parties (i.e. ANDM and OPDO, respectively, two of the four organizations which form the coalition of the EPRDF) operating in the respective regions. ANDM openly supports the protest in Amhara region while in contrast the OPDO in Oromia is nowhere to be seen around the people (except as informers and co-killers).

The media in Oromia is busy denouncing and demonizing the Oromo Protest whereas in other regions, the media publicly announces its support for the people’s demands.

Consequently, it has become clear even to casual observers that Oromo lives don’t matter in Ethiopia. In this regard, the regime has continued in the tradition of devaluing and undervaluing Oromo lives starting from the days of imperial conquest of the Oromo nation.

We believe that you are acutely aware that this condition is unsustainable. We believe that the only way forward is to arrest the people’s unnecessary suffering and bringing this crisis to a positive end. We believe that the continued perpetuation of misery, targeting the Oromo people as a people, is forcing them to reach for desperate measures that this government can’t eventually manage to control.

We, as concerned children of Oromia, are writing to you to make this last call for you to wake up to this fast changing phase of the Oromo Protest. If the government does not properly respond to the peaceful demands of the people for their rights in a just social order, the Oromo people will be obliged to start taking drastic measures that have serious repercussions both for the regime and for the country.

Our people are asking what brought about this apparently endless tragedy to them, including this recent different valuation of peoples and their rights.

The answer seems to be in the following:

  1. The Oromo people had so far chosen to conduct their protest peacefully.

Oromo political leaders, activists, and intellectuals have all been consistently advising against violence and encouraging people to avoid all forms of violence.

This was in line with the principle of primacy of peace and wellbeing (nagaaf nageenya) in the Oromo tradition and in their way of being in general.

This choice has been viewed as a sign of weakness and cowardice. The TPLF regime seems to have chosen to utilize the Oromo commitment to peace as an instrument of perpetuating its repressive politics.

  1. In the last nine months, our people have taken extraordinary care not to harm other people living among them, especially those who, being from Tigray, support, benefit from, and collude with the regime. This care seems to be mistaken for naiveté and weakness.

However, it should be clear to all that patience has its limits.

Anger and resentment is overflowing among our people. Before patience completely runs out, it has now become necessary for the regime to be given a last chance to change the course of its behaviour.

In order to ensure that the regime treats our people with the same respect it accords to other peoples of Ethiopia, it has become necessary to take the following measures:

  1. On Saturday, 6 August 2016, there will be a grand protest demonstration across the Oromia region including in Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa.

The Protest, like all other preceding protests, shall be completely peaceful.

Its demands include, but not limited to:

  1. STOP KILLING OROMOS;
  2. FREE ALL OROMO AND OTHER POLITICAL PRISONERS WITHOUT ANY PRECONDITION;
  3. END THE AGAZI RULE IN OROMIA;
  4. ALLOW OROMOS COMPLETE SELF-GOVERNANCE
  5. And other similar demands.
  6. There shall be no request for permit from the government. According to the constitution and the relevant law (Proclamation No 3/1991), people who seek to stage public political meetings and peaceful demonstrations have a mere duty of notification.

This letter shall have served as a letter of notice to the relevant State and Federal institutions. If Oromia’s and Federal Security Forces try to disrupt, subvert, or prevent the protest rallies or if they try to abuse people otherwise during and before the demonstrations, from that moment on, the Oromo Protest will immediately have entered a new phase with a new mission and strategy.

It shall start taking measures commensurate to the needs of the times. TPLF leaders and Oromo collaborators–and they alone–shall take full responsibility for any and all negative consequences.

Desperate times demand desperate measures. We call upon the regime to end our people’s sufferings immediately. We also call upon the Ethiopian people in general to pay attention to this notice, to bear witness, and to stand in solidarity with its Oromo brethren and sisters.

We call upon our people to understand the gravity of this situation and to stand together, in unison, with the usual resolve and determination, as they demand their just and God-given rights in their own land.

Kind Regards,

#Oromoprotests.

Injifannoo Uummanni Oromoo Baatii Saddet Darban Galmeesise Xiqqeessinee Ilaaluu Hinqabnu

By: Jawar Mohammed
 Namni gariin sochii ollonnii keenya torban kana godhan ilaaluun qabsoofi injifannoo ummanni Oromiyaa baatii saddeetiif galmeessaa keessa dabre xiqqeessuuf yeroo yaalan agarra. Kanaafuu qabxiilee takkaa lama wal yaadachiisuun feesisaadha.

1. Oromoon diina hin ajjeefne kan jedhuuf…maal waan hin lallabiniifi moo? Mootummaanuuu looltoonni meeqa akka jalaa du’an akka amane ni dagattani? Dhugaa jiru yoo barbaaddaan seenaa Bosona Cilliomoo, laga Mogor, Shaallaafi Gaara Mul’ataatti hojjatame qorachuun barbaachisaadha. Shawaa Lixaa naannoo Gaalessaatti dargaggoon qawwee diinarraa hiikkateen humna addaa ( commando) Wayyaaneen bobbaase ji’a lamaa oliif ofirraa ittisee rasaasni harkaa akka dhume beektuu laata? Dubartiin teenya muka mooyyeetin Agaazi mataa dhooftee kilaash hiikkachuun isii hagasumatti irraanfatamee laata? Ummanni keenya qawween bahee ajjeesee geeraruu kan dhiise akka gariin yaadutti qawwee waan dhabeefillee miti. Xiqqaattus takka nyaattee taatus waa numa jiran. Bakka dhabetti ammoo akkuma qabatamaan agartaan dhibbaatamaan hidhattoota mootummaa irraa hiikkachuu akka danda’u mirkaneessee jira. Hoggansi sadarkaan jiru lola qawweetti seenuun tarsiimoo isaa hin turre.

Qabsoo keessatti ajjeesuun miira yeroo oowwisuu danda’a, tarsiimoofi qophii itti fufiinsa mirkaneessu qabaachuu baannaan gaaga’ama malee faaydaan isaa muraasa. Ummanni keenya tarsiimoofi jaarmaya waraanaaf qophaayen maletti qawwee qabatee osoo bahee jiraate ji’a saddeet dhiisaa torban sadihiifusadarkaa bal’aa sanitti itti fufee qabsaayuu hin danda’u ture. Injifannoolee gurguddoo argate kanas hin goonfatu ture. Kanaaf ummanni keenya qawwee ammayyaa dhiisaati meeshaalee waraanaa aadaatuu qabatee akka hin baane itti waywaatamaa turuu hin irraanfatinaa! Yoo waraanuu hin henne hin luqqufatiniin makmaaksa Oromooti.

2. Kan Gondaritti ta’e kan naannawa Shaashamanneetti ta’een wal fakkaata. Humnoota Tigreen ergitetu hidhattoota mootummaa naannootiin ajjeefame. Yoo yaadattan Ajjeetti ( naannoo Shaashamanneetti) poolisootaafi hidhattoota Oromiyaatu humnoota federaalaa fixe.

3. Qabsoo faara qabdu godhuuf saffisaa ( intensity) fi turmaata ( sustainability) wal madaalchisuun barbaachisaadha. Sochiin tokko lamaan keessaa saffisa qofa irratti yoo fuulleeffate yoo dafee sirna san lafaan hin dhahin humna fixatee gaggabee faca’a. Kana ammoo qabsoon teenya sadarkaa adda addaatti keessa dabarteet muuxannorraa ka’uun sochii bifa tasgabbaa’een ji’a saddeetiif turu uumte.

4. Qabsoo Oromiyaa keessatti godhametu sodaa cabsee naannolee bira onnachiise. Ji’a saddeetiif haleellaa mootummaatin osoo of duubatti hin shubamin itti fufuu isaatitu naannawa biraatiif onnee kenne. Tooftaa xixiqqaan osoo hin hafin Oromiyaa irraa akka baratame ni muldhata.

5. Paartiin Amaara kan Wayyaaneen bixxilame tibba kana aantummaa ummataa agarsiisuun ifa. Jarri OPDOs hamma barbaadamus ta’uu baatus hojii sirnicha laaffisee qabsoo gargaaree baay’ee hojjatan. Jarri ANDM tarkaanfi amma fudhataniif fakkeenya kan ta’e waan OPDOn gariin Oromiyaa keessatti goote ta’uu hin shakkinaa. Kana jechuun OPDOn waan dandeessu hunda goote jechuu miti. Hoggansi isaanii gaafa dubbiin jabaattee duubatti shirgigaatuun, kaabineen gara gadii diinummaan ummata miidhuun ni jira.

6. Naannoo Amaaratti fincilli dhoohuun qabsoo Oromiyaa keessaatiif hiree guddaadha. Sababni isaas maddi fincila kanaa gaafii eenyummaafi abba biyyummaa waan ta’eef qabsoo Oromootiif dhugaa galcha. Itti dabalees fincilli bakka bakkaa dhoowuun sirnicha saffisaan laaffisuuf fayyada.

7. Qawween ummata keenyaaf hin barbaachisu jechuu miti. Ni barbaachisa. Qawwee qofaa miti kan barbaachisu. Jaarmayaafi tarsiimoo waraanaa barbaachisa. Kana ammoo mootummaa tana kuffisuuf qofaa miti. Kana kan barbaannu Wayyaanee gara nuuf tolutti jiigsuu qofaaf osoo hin taane gara fuulduratti dantaa siyaasaafi diinaggee Oromoo naannawa sanitti kabachiisuuf humni waraanaa cimaa jaarrachuun murteessaa waan ta’eefi.

Walumaagalatti hojii ollaan hojjatu qalbiin ilaaluun waa irraa barachuuf faaydaa guddaa qaba. Hinaafuunis yoo kan hojii san daran hojjachuuf nama kan kakaasu taate hamaa miti. Garuu hojii ambaa laalanii hamilee of cabsuudhaan gootummaa, murannoofi injifannoo saba ofii xiqqeessuun gad-aantummaadha. Ummanni keenya qabsoo nagayaa ( nonviolent resistance) kan biyya sanitti hin danda’amu jedhamaa ture akka danda’amu qabatamaan agarsiisee ollaas barsiisee jira. Qabsoo hidhannoo har’a hin danda’amtu jedhamtus gaafa tarsiimoofi qophiin itt seene shakkii malee galmaan gaha. Warri qabsoo hidhannootin diina haleeluu barbaadu kan ormaa laalee of tuffachuu ykn ammoo qabsoo nagayaa saba keenyaa xiqqeessuurra, tarsiimoofi jaarmaya qabsoo hidhannootif barbaachisu qopheessutti osoo fuulleeffatee wayya.

PROSPECTS FOR OROMO STRUGGLE UNDER THE PREVAILING SITUATION OF UNION OROMIA: By DAWUD IBSAA:

Photo: Dawud Ibsa, Chairman, Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)

Introduction

Please allow me to present to you warm greetings from OLF leaders, members and supporters to the participants of this conference. It is a great honor and pleasure for me and our leadership team to be in your midst to jointly explore the challenges and prospects for a peaceful resolution of the conflicts ravaging the Horn of Africa region. On behalf of all the suffering people of the Horn, Oromo and non-Oromo alike, I sincerely thank the Chr. Mechelsen Institute, particularly Dr. Pausewang, for successfully organizing this very timely, pertinent and exploratory conference on Conflict resolution in the Horn in general and in union Oromia and Oromo region in particular. It is a new testament to the deep concern of your institute, your government and your great country for the well-being of the voiceless in the world.

Allow me also to thank Ambassador Shinn, Prof. Clapham, Dr. Pausewang, Lovise and Dr. Tronvoll for a scholarly assessment of the situation on the ground and for sharing it with us openly. Let me assure you, our organization takes your recommendations seriously as it critically rethinks and readjusts itself to better face new challenges and vigorously exploit new opportunities. We hope this will be the beginning, not the end, of a long journey towards making Oromia and by extension the Horn a more democratic, peaceful and stable region.

Having said this, please allow me to focus on the obstacles and prospects for a peaceful resolution of the mayhem in the Horn. In order to do that, I have to make these assumptions:

• You are all aware of the history of the formation of contemporary Oromia;
• The impact of the conquest on the Oromo and other people in the South;
• Despite the many upheavals and so called transformations, Oromia has yet to shed its imperial nature where the minority dominates the majority by sheer force of arms and crucial support from outside;
• And that the current conflict is a result of a determined minority trying to cling to power by all means and the attempt of the subjugated nations to free themselves from domination, subjugation, repression, marginalization and exploitation.

At every historical juncture Oromos have acted in good will to bridge this gap. Many Oromos had served Oromia with distinction. The collaboration of famous Oromo generals like Gobana with Minilek, the exemplary leadership of Iyyasu, however short-lived, the statesmanship of Habtegiorgis, the decisive support extended to H/Silassie against the Italians by heroes like Ababa Aragay, the guidance given to Mengistu by theoreticians like Haile Fida and finally the cooperation given to Meles by the OPDO, and even OLF, albeit briefly, all ended in frustration. Oromos have also attempted to peacefully improve their lot by forming the first official Oromo NGO, the legendary Macca & Tulama Association, which was of course open to non Oromos reflecting the goodwill and openness of Oromos, but it too did not fare any better.

After assimilation, cooperation and entreaties for a peaceful redress of their grievances failed, it was only natural for the Oromo to ask, “What is left to be done?” Although an independent militant organization was the answer, in no time did the Oromo close the door to a peaceful political alternative. When Mengistu assumed power and temporarily opened the field for political agitation the OLF helped form a multi-national political organization called the Oromian Oppressed Peoples’ Revolutionary Struggle (OCHIHAT) by bringing activists from all nationalities to strive for a peaceful political transformation of the Oromian state. However, when the Dergue reneged on its earlier promises, OLF had to go back to the field. Continuing the policy of working with others whenever possible, it took initiatives to build alliance with other forces to topple the Dergue and subsequently joined the Transitional arrangement in 1991/92 with a positive spirit. This is evidence that OLF has always been and remains to be open to alternatives for cooperation. OLF has never been and shall never be shy from embracing a more comprehensive agenda that does not compromise on the national aspirations of the Oromo people.

Although the price paid by OLF for this experiment is heavy, it did not make us give up on the search for a just peace nor dampen our desire for negotiation. We continued our exploration for just peace after the abortion of the Transitional arrangement. From the Paris conference, the different bilateral and multilateral arrangements to peacefully negotiate all outstanding issues down to the many attempts by the Americans, Germans, and the Norwegians attests to our ceaseless search for just peace. Since the war is being fought on our soil and financed with our own resources our resolve for peaceful resolution of conflicts is not a tactical but rather a strategic one. We cannot afford to sacrifice our youth as we need each and every one of them alive to grow our country, fight poverty and achieve a better standard of living. We understand that whereas we have everything to gain from peace, we have plenty to loose from continuation of violence imposed on us. However, while being relentless in our search for just peace, we shall never compromise nor bargain, in the name of an empty promise for peace, on the fundamental interests and rights of the Oromo people for which thousands of Oromos have sacrificed.

OLF has always been advocating for a just peace of the brave. That is why we proposed a bold agenda for peace in 2000 only to be frustrated by lack of response from the regime. That is why we took initiatives to bring several opposition parties together to form an alternative political force. That is why we went even further by issuing a joint statement with them indicating our desire for voluntary and democratic unity based on the freely expressed will of all peoples.

The Objectives and Obstacles of the Struggle

Contrary to the disinformation and propaganda by the regime, the main objective of the Oromo struggle is not revenge for past crimes or retribution for present transgressions but rather to change the victor-victim relationship between the conqueror and the conquered and build a brand new polity on a new paradigm based on the mutual consent of the peoples concerned. This will create harmony and open the way to build a democratic society that will work for the well-being of all the peoples. As we have indicated before, given a willing partner, I assure you we are ready to travel extra miles to rest this conflict causing misery for millions.

The obstacles to achieving peace are two-fold. First, the regime, being a minority pays only lip service to democracy- not wanting to lose the absolute advantage it currently enjoys. Second, Abyssinians lack a culture that tolerates differences and nourishes democracy. Every power transfer has been through violence. The winner takes all; compromise is seen as weakness. That is what makes the automatic resort to violence and political machinations possible.

The regime has perfected its oppressive machinery. Its propaganda campaign has escalated to the extent of suppressing any movement, whether political or non political, inside the country and branding those outside as terrorists. Nevertheless whenever one venue is closed the subjugated people resort to the next available means and the machinery follows suit- thus perpetuating the vicious cycle, the outcome of which is abject poverty, endless war, disease, famine, repression manifested by thousands of political prisoners and the forced exodus of skilled manpower, polarization of inter-communal relations, isolation of the government from the people, and interstate conflicts. The Oromo people carry the brunt of this burden. According to objective reports from independent Human Rights organizations and neutral observers, the atrocities committed against the Oromo nation rise to a level of genocide.

The simmering Oromo-Ethiopia conflict will not affect only Oromia, but the whole region of the Horn of Africa. Owing to the proximity of our region to the troubled Middle East and the religious composition of the peoples, the rise of religious extremism is a real threat. Thus the search for just peace needs to be aggressively pursued as whatever happens in Oromia has a spillover effect on the Horn countries and vice-versa.

Oromo region shares boundary, traditions and religion with almost all the regions in Oromia. It is at the center, it is the most populous and the largest in land mass and resources. Oromo region manifests all the diversity of Oromia. Thus, whatever takes place in Oromo region affects all of Oromia. It is the only society where Islam, Christianity and Waaqeffanna harmoniously flourished side by side for centuries and there are no signs of religious extremism so far. OLF’s adherence to a strictly secular policy contributes greatly to curb the mushrooming of religious fundamentalism. The OLF sees the solution to the Oromo question from the perspective that the aspiration of every popular struggle is the political, economic, and social well-being of its constituents. We believe all people benefit from just peace and a genuinely democratic arrangement. We therefore believe that prospects for Oromo freedom lies in the freedom of all the peoples in the area and the establishment of a truly democratic institutional and legal framework premised on the freely expressed will of all the peoples in Oromia.

This can only be based on the mutual recognition and acceptance of the principle of self-determination of peoples where all genuine representatives of these peoples come together and agree on a basic constitutional charter that will guide the way to commonly agreed democratic governance. This should include recognition of the right to form ones own government. If everyone is assured one’s appropriate share and a just, equitable and democratic system is devised we don’t see any basis for a deadly conflict that we are currently observing in Oromia and throughout the region. What the concerned peoples in the region desperately need and where friends of the region could help is thus in facilitating such a broad-based and serious dialogue.

We in the OLF believe that there should be a guarantee that all peoples will have the right to self administration within their own demarcated and sovereign area to develop their language, preserve their culture, manage their economic resources and better their lives. Human Rights, Rule of Law, separation of state power, multi-party democracy with free and fair election, free enterprise, sanctity of private property, the rights of national minorities, religious freedom and all relevant UN and international conventions will provide the basis for such a charter.

The Oromo people has been waging a continuous struggle to achieve the above objective for the last three decades. The struggle went through many ups and downs overcoming many obstacles. When this struggle started, the consciousness of the Oromo people was at its infancy. It took immense sacrifices to cultivate Oromummaa (Oromo nationalism) and rally Oromos for this just struggle of national liberation. Today Oromummaa has been widely and firmly established and Oromo consciousness has reached an irreversible stage. Today OLF is not just a front but a vanguard of a growing mass movement. The struggle has galvanized Oromos of all walks of life. What OLF started with a few dedicated members is inspiring and rallying millions of Oromos in Oromo region and around the world. We take pride in that all Oromos have come to know that they have one aspiration and goal- national self-determination. Despite some of our shortcomings that is what makes us optimistic about the future of our struggle and our beloved organization.

The TPLF Regime

Eventhough the Meles group has an upper hand, the division that surfaced within the top leadership of TPLF in 2001 has not come to an end. Credible intelligence reports from inside the Defense Council shows a new crack among the high ranking officers over how to share state power, the question of promotion, how to dole out military ranks, the disposition of Badme and access to sea port. This disagreement has gone down to various ranks in the army and taken the form of ANDM vs. TPLF or Amhara vs. Tigrai. If this continues, as we believe it would, the power structure in Oromia is headed for another internal implosion. Sadly, the change may not lead to a better understanding of the main problem, lack of democracy and domination of majority by the minority, for its peaceful resolution. On the contrary it may lead to reversing the positive gains made thus far and lead to more agony, turmoil and unnecessary bloodshed.

The erosion of mass support for OPRDF is driving local officials to rely more on force than on the rule of law. Desperation is leading them to take heinous actions. The massacre in Gambella, the killing of innocent Oromos in Watar, Bale, Jimma and Ilu Abbabor, the gunning down of peaceful demonstrators in Awasa, Shakka-mazengir, and Dirre Dhawa are manifestations of this desperation. A good recent example is what happened in Tajjo-Walal, western Oromia, where a hysterical TPLF cadre opened fire on a group of Oromo peasants killing four in cold blood.

TPLF’s track record on goodwill negotiation leaves much to be desired. We in the OLF have plenty of disappointing experiences from the Transitional period and afterwards. A good latest example is the border ruling by the Border Commission at The Hague. In Algiers, Oromia and Eritrea concluded a peace agreement in the presence of representatives of governments, the UN, EU and AU, to stop hostility and abide by the court’s ruling that would be final and binding. This did not prevent TPLF from rejecting the final ruling. This unreliable nature of the TPLF/OPRDF and its political culture of uncompromising intransigence is a major obstacle for peace.

The OPRDF is gearing up to “elect” itself to office once again in 2005. We sincerely believe this upcoming “election” won’t be different from the previous ones in significant aspects. The peaceful conditions necessary for a free and fair election do not exist. The Election Commission remains entirely packed with TPLF protégées. Without significant reform of the electoral laws, members of the OPRDF and its satellite organizations would compete among themselves and declare themselves winners as they have done in the past. Despite the lofty promise by Meles, TPLF is hesitant to let independents or opposition organizations freely contest and win seats in the parliament. Even if TPLF affords some opposition parties nominal participation, the latter are not in a position to seriously challenge the OPRDF that controls the economy, the bureaucracy, mass media, security, army and police. Hence the prospects for transforming the political system through the ballot box look as dim as when we were forced to abandon it in 1992.

The Situation in the Horn of Africa

Two opposing trends are being observed: peace making and escalation of conflict. The more than two decades old conflict between North and South Sudan, that consumed more than two million lives and devastated countless properties, is coming to an end. The peace agreement signed between SPLA and the Sudanese government, if it succeeds as hoped, will be a breakthrough to bring peace from round table rather than from the barrel of the gun. While wars have victors and losers, everyone wins in peace. Contrary to this positive development, the carnage engulfing Darfur risks to plunge Sudan and the Horn into further chaos.

The tension on the Oromia-Eritrean border is not abating and could erupt into war at any time. The situation in Gambella is far from settled. Popular discontent against the regime are on the rise. Recent killings in Dirre Dhawa and the restlessness within the Oromian Defense Council demonstrate the volatility in Oromia. Although the situation is favorable to bring peace to Somalia, Oromia is doing everything to sabotage and foil the on-going peace process.

The Global Situation

The current global situation is one of turbulence. During the cold war, the global situation was clearly defined. There were known camps to which governments and organizations adjusted their orientation. The New World Order has made sovereignty and territorial integrity less absolute. We saw nations determining their affair and forming new states. The right (to) of self-determination, which used to apply only to countries under colonial rule, is now recognized as a universal right of all nations and peoples. Consequently the map of the world is being redrawn.

On the contrary, with the formation of unions like the EU state sovereignty has become more symbolic than real. Countries joining such Unions voluntarily sign treaties that undermine their sovereignty to avail their people of economic, social and economic benefits from a larger pie. We are encouraged by both trends. The increased recognition of the right of nations to selfdetermination gives us hope that if our genuine appeal for peace is rejected and met with violence rather than being reciprocated, as has happened many times in the past, we have the right and the will to decide our fate. The trend towards cooperation is also encouraging to us because it opens new doors and creates more opportunities for our people to work with others to build a more prosperous, harmonious, stable and peaceful region.

Conclusion

The conditions on the ground tell us that there is no easy walk to Oromo freedom. The situation is complex, complicated and rife with uncertainties. TPLF has chosen to resort to all means of suppression to stay in power instead of working for long-term peace and prosperity. It has declared rich and educated Oromos to be enemies of its Revolutionary Democracy. Unfortunately it has also managed to muster enough international support for this unjust and destructive endeavor. It has Oromia’s human and material resource at its disposal. It has exacerbated the hitherto existing contradictions pushing Oromia and the region to further chaos.
The Oromo have been continuously pushed out of the system and marginalized through systematic denial of access to resources and opportunities. We are afraid that the rising tide of Oromummaa, the involvement of all sectors in the struggle, the denial of all venues to air their grievances and seek their aspirations peacefully, and the effort to categorize even the legitimate quest for self-determination as terrorism, may eventually push the Oromo to desperate actions.

As we have tried to indicate on several occasions, armed struggle has never been the choice of our esteemed organization. OLF has no desire whatsoever to waste its precious resources, the lives of our youth, in fighting. It is engaged in armed struggle merely because all other venues to address Oromo grievances and seek their aspirations have been denied. On the contrary it is the regime that is systematically using its monopoly on violence to quell the Oromo people’s legitimate quest for freedom and justice. OLF is ready to engage the regime in a peaceful dialogue and enter into a process that would lead to retiring violence as a political means. Unfortunately, it takes three to make a just peace- the courage, foresight and goodwill of the parties in conflict as well as crucial support from neutral third parties with a clear commitment to take appropriate action when one side reneges on implementing its part of the bargain.

In addition to the desire to launch a meaningful dialogue with the TPLF/OPRDF regime, a close cooperation and coordination with the struggle of other peoples and parties interested in justice, sustainable peace and prosperity in the area is vital. Engaging Oromian opposition organizations to form alliances of various forms is another agenda that OLF is committed to continue to work on. We cannot afford to view Oromo region as an island. Our freedom requires us to work relentlessly to build a healthy and working relationship with all the peoples in Oromia and come up with a more democratic, representative and viable alternative to the incumbent regime.

Eventually all parties concerned have to come together on a round table and jointly chart the future of Oromia. A strong and committed international input is a sine qua non to kick-start this process and ensure its success. If the global community takes its responsibility seriously and backs its commitment by real action, OLF is ready to do its part in the search for just peace. Should this fail, the situation will further deteriorate and descend into lawlessness and a breakdown of central authority. OLF has an immense desire to avert this impending chaos and resolve the underlying reasons for this conflict through a peaceful political means. It has demonstrated this will publicly, unambiguously and repeatedly.

Let me remind the distinguished international scholars as well as honored participants of this conference that the miraculous transformation in South Africa was not solely the genius of ANC nor Mandela; it also required a courageous decision by Deklerk. We do not believe Meles will follow this noble example but peace is so precious for our people that we are not going to leave the issue of war and peace to the whim of one person or a minority party. With your help OLF is prepared to take a new peace offensive. However, for this noble endeavor to bear fruit, interested parties need to pursue a two-pronged strategy. While putting real pressure on the regime to seek peaceful resolution of the Oromo-Ethiopia conflict, they need to support and empower the weak so that the powerful can no longer afford to dismiss it as mere nuisance. Unless the present power asymmetry is changed, the TPLF has no incentive to seek peace.

Obbo Juneddi Saaddoo, pirazadaantii Mootummaa Naannoo Oromiyaa Duraanii Uummata Oromoo Dhiifatama Gaafatan

Obbo Juneddin Saaddoo, pirazadaantii Mootummaa Naannoo Oromiyaa duranii, wa’ee hirmaannaa siyaasaa sadarkaa Oromiyaa fi federaalaatti waggoota hedduuttiif godhani ilaalchisee barreeffamni barreessanSIITUBE.COM irratti uummanni Oromoo akka dubbbisuuf qoodaniiru. Bara pirazadaantii Oromiyaa turanitti, doggoggora uumaniifis uummata Oromoo dhiifatama gaafataniiru.

Suraa: Obbo Juneddi Saaddo, Pirazadaantii Mootumma Naannoo Oromiyaa Duraanii

Barreeffamni isaan barreessan kan SIITUBE.COM irratti maxxanfame kan arman gadiiti.

 1. Waliigala
Ani Juneeydi Saaddoo Cirrii Siyaasaa Ummata Oromoo keessattis ta’ee siyaasa biyyatti keessatti haala adda addaatiin bara 1976 irraa jalqabee hirmaachaan turee. Dhaloonni kiyyaa Godina Arsii, Dheerinna Gaara Cilaalo gara bahatti, labbaa Tulluu Denestari jedhamtu, ollaa Tullu Begoo, ganda Sheemachaa keessattidha. Akka waligalaatti Godina Arsii keessa waggoota gara 19 yo jiraadhu, Finfinne keessammo waggota 32 jiraadhee. Waggota 4 mana barnootaa keessa turee malee kan hafan hojii motumma keessatti biyyaafi ummata tajaajilaa turee.Bara 2000 irraa jalqabee sadarkaa hoggansa ol’aanaatti Oromiyaafi biyyattidhaaf hojjachaan turee. Syaasaa biyyatti keessatti, bara 1991 booda adeemsifamaa turee, kallattiidhaan akka miseensaatti kan hirmaachuu jalqabee bara 2001dha. Baatii Qaam’ee 2001 Magaaalaa Naqamtee keessatti Yaaii OPDOn adeemsifteerratti miseensaafi hogganas ta’e filatame. Ergasi ka’e hanga Onkololeessa 11, bara 2012tti siyaasaa biyya sani keessaa qooda qabaachuun kiyya ifaa. Rakko bara 2012 guutuu na mudataa tureerraa kan ka’e, gara baqaa deemudhaan kunoo amma Ameerikaa keessattin argamaa.Ibsii asi gaditti dhiyeessu, seena kiyya dabre keessaa wantoota gabaabdu qofa Ummata biyya keessa jirufi biyya alaa jiruf dhiyeesudhaan Saba Oromoo dhiifama gaafachuudhaafi.

2. Bara ijollummaa
Yeroon kuni bara dhaladhee kaasee hanga mana barnoota Yunivarsitii Finfinnee xumurutti kan ilaaludhaa. Ilma qonnaan bulaa, baddaa Arsitti jireenna hamaa Ummanni keenna keessa jiraatu keessatti dhalachu qofa oso hintayiin seenaa, odeeffanno, rakkoo fi makko ummatichaa kan na waliin dhalate keessatti waggota 5niif mana barnoota sadarkaa 1ffaa, magaalaa Loodee-Jimaataatti Kiloometrii 12 deddebi’udhan baradhee. Bara Sochiin barattota Yunivarsiti jalqabuu, ani sadrakaa 1ffaa keessan turee. Bara HSn kufuu kutaa saddet turee. Labsii lafa baadiyyaa gammachuudhaan fudhachuudhanis hirira qabsoo, isa jalqabaa, keessatti uf argee. Baruma sana gaazeexa Ihiaappaa (EPRP) kan dimookraasiyaa jedhamtus dubbisee. Bara ittiaanu, 1975, Assallaatti seeraan  sosochi barattoota keessa galudhaan hirmaannaa bal’ina qaba jedhamee waamamu dndayu taasiissa turee. Manni barnootas akka cufamu hiriiroota adda addaa keessatti qooda fudhachuudhaan barnoota dhaabee gara Magaalaa Hurutaa deebi’udhaan sochii lafa jalaa bal’aa adeemsiissa turee. Bara ittiaanuu dirqamaan gara mana barnoota nudeebisaniyyu sochiin kuni itti fufee. Dargiin ijoollee hiriyyoota kiyyaa heddu hidhuun, ajjeesufi tumuun (torcher) (goolii diimaa), qabsoon kuni akka laamshayu taasiisee. Waggoonni lamaan hafan, bara “siyaasaa fi Korreenti fagootti” jedhamee namni hundi mataa gadi qabate turee. Bara 1981 yeroo jalqabaatiif gara Finfinnee deemudhaan Kaampaasi Kiilo 4 seenudhaan barnoota itti fufee. Waggoonni 4n kunniin yeero “politically dormant” ittiin tureedha.

3. Bara Hojii Ogummaa
Bara 1984 irraa kaasee hanga 1991tti, seektara bishaani keessatti hojjachaan turee. Yeeroma kana, waggota lamaaf gara Ingiliiz (Fuulbaana 1987) deemudhaan barnoota digrii lammaffaa waa lamarratti wagoota lamaan kessatti barachuudhaan gara biyyaatti deebi’ee. Waggota 7n kana keessatti Dargii hamachuufi jibburra dabree wanti qabatamaan godhee hinturree. Marii guyyota Jimaataa hunda waajjiraalee motummaa keessatti adeemsifamanirraa hafuu, buusii adda addaa diduufi seera laaffisurra waan dabre hinhojannee.Bara 1991 yeroo Dargiin kufuu ani waajjira bishaan Magaalaa Finfinne keessatti Projektoota gugurdorrattiin hojjachaa turee. Yeroo bishaan Finfinnee keessa hojjadhuu, magaalaa Finfinnees akka baru carraa guddaan argadhee. Maastar Pilaani 1990-2006 hojjatamee kessattis qooda fudhadheen turee. Ilaalchi magaala sana maal akka ta’e, fedhiinifi hawwiin maal akka ta’e kan baree yeeroo sana turee. Jijjiramicha 1991 akka gaaritti fudhadheen garummo ufeggannodhaan ilaalaa turee. Naannoleen Afaaniifi Aadaa isaanitiin uf habulchan, seenaan Itophiyaa waggaa dhibba tokko qofa, hire ufi ufiin murteeffachu, hacuucaa sabummaa fonqolchuu, lafti akka hingurguramne, kkf dhimmoonni anaaf ijoo tayan kun sirnicha haraya dhufe kanaaf gurra akka keennu nataasiisee.Bara 1995 Jia Adooleessa, Mootummaan Naanno Oromiyaa, kan OPDOn gaggeeffamu nawaamudhaan seektara Bishaaniifi Albuudaa akkan hogganu nagaafatee. Gaaffi kana fudhachuudhaan Hojii naanno keennaa jalqabee. Yeero kanatti namni waan miseensummas taye waan biraa natti kaase hinturree. Hojii bishaani garaa guutuudhaan itti uf gadiidhiisee hojjadhee. Biiroo deebiseen akka gaaritti ijaaru, caasaa godinaalee cimsuu, sirna sivil sarvisi diriirsuu, ogeessa baliinaan qaxaruu, ogeessa baliinaan biyya keessaafi biyya alaatti ergani horachuu, sirna hirrigaa fi qabeenna motummaa hannaaafi saamicharraa tiksuu kan dandyu sirna ijaaruu, koontraatoota gurguddo biyya alaatiifi biyya keessa raawwachuudhaan dhiyeessiin bishaan dhugaatii baadiyyaa fi magaaloota Oromiyaa keessatti akka diriirfamu tasiisuu fi kkf hujeen jiraa. Sadarkaa biyyaa qofa oso hintaanee sadarkaa Afriikaatti ilaalamu kandandayan hojileen gurguddoon hojjatamani jiruu. Lafa Oromoo, ganda Oromoo, kan dur essa jiraan hinbeekkamne, Moyaalee kaasee hanga Cinaaksan, Hidhabu Aboteeti kaasee hanga Mandiitti, badda fi gammojji barachuu, nama barachuu, rakkoo qabatamaa hiikudhaan Ummata kiyya bira dhaabbadheen jiraa. Lafa ABOn keessa jiru hindeemiin oso naan jedhan lafa akka Gawgaw, Breeda Leenca, Milqaay, Raayituu KKf keessa deemeen hojjadhee jiraa. Uf keenne hojjadhee. Ennuyyu gammachiisuuf miti. Caasaa Oromoo kan lubbu qabu tokko ijaaru kiyyattis gammachuun qabaa. Haala Kanaan uwwisa bishaani dhibbentaa gara 15 qofa turee waggota shanan keessatti dhibbentaa 41 olitti kaasuun dandayameera! Hojjattootafi ogeessota bishaan Oromiyaa yoomiyyu hinirranfadhuu!Bara paartii biyya bulchaa jiru keessatti rakkoon baqaquu ka’e, ani dame dinagdee Naanichaan hogganaa turee. Gara dhumatirrattis haala heeddu rakkisaa tayee keessatti hojiwwan dame kiyyaa qofa oso hintayiin kan dameelee heddu (kan waajjira Preezidaantichaas dabalatee) halkani guyyaa hojjachuudhaan Waajjirri Motummaa Naanoo Oromiyaa akka hincufamne taasiseen turee.Akka seensa kiyyarratti dubbadheetti, bara 2001 Jia Onkololeessaa keessa, Preezidaantii naanichaa tayeen Caffeedhaan Filatamee. Hojiwwan walxaxaafi rakkisaa tayanis hojjachuu kan jalqabee yoonarraa kaaseetii. Yeeroon kuni yeeroo motummaan jiddugaleessatiifi kan naannolelle heddu dadhaban turee. Motummaan maqaa malee caasaan isaa hinhojjatu turee. Mormiin Ummataa gara hundaan akka ibiddaatti bobayaa turee. Haala kana keessatti hojiin hojjadhee, hanqinoota turan, dogongoroota turaniifi badilee turan akka itti aanutti Ummataaf dhiyeessaa:

  • Haalli hojii naannicha hogganuuf itti fudhadhee akka salphaatti hinturre. Waggaa tokkoo lama dura barnoota dooktarummaatiif biyya Ingliiz deemen erga egaleen booda rakko mahallaqa mana barnootaarratti na qunnameerra kan ka’e biyyatti deebi’ee mahallaqa gara Dolaara kuma 54 dhaabbolee adda addaarra ergan walitti qabeen booda motummaan deemsa naa’eyyamuu waan dideef hafee. Haa tayu malee deebi’ee deemuuf fedhii guddaa waan qabaachaa tureef yeroo hojiin Preezidaantumma natti kennamu mormii torban tokkoo olif, marii ta’amaa turerratti, dhiyeessen jira. Haa tayu malee sochii naannicha keessatti adeemsifamaa tureerraan kan ka’e namni hundinuu (gaggeesitoonni OPDO) naannorratti ramadamani hojjachuudhaaf diddaa waan agarsiisaniif ani hojii kana akka hojjadhu murtaayee.Erga hojitti seeneen booda garaa guuraa hinhojjannee. Caasaafi motumma Ummata Oromoo kan lubbu qabu ijaarudhaaf carraaquttin seenee. Akkaa amantaattis biyya Itophiya keessatti sirni bulchiinsa Fedeeraalizimi kunii haqaan hojirra yo oole, Ummanni keenna mirgi isaa kabajamu dandayaa, kanaaf immo nuti Oromoonni ufii keenna “prove” uf godhu qabna, biyyarraa baqachuudhaan, ummatarraa addaan ciccituudhaan bu’aan dhufu hinjiru, rakkoon siyaasaa OPDO keessattis tayee, OPDO fi dhaabbolee biraa jiddutti jiraachu nidandaya, ha tayuti garuu, qabsoo dimookraatawaa, qabsoo olaantummaan seeraa keessatti kabajamu, qabsoo mirga hiree keennaa ufi keennaan mirkaneeffachu itti dandeennu karaa nagayaatiin adeemsiisudhaan carraa Saba Oromo jijjiiru nidandeenna, jijjirus qabna jedheen itti amanee hojjadhee.
  • Oromoon uf bulchuu hindandayu kan jedhamu furshii taasiisudhaan caasaa ufitti amanuufi ummataa isaa bulchu, rakko isaa hiikuu dandayu ijaarudhaaf guddaa dhama’een ture.
  • Haala Kanaan qaamolee sadan motummaa (qaama raawwachiiftuu, qaama seera baasuufi qaama seera hiikuu/mannen murtii) akka addaan bahani ijaaraman, yeero jalqabaatiif taasifneerra. Qaamoleen kunii mirga guutuu qabaatuu baatanille, tarkaanfii karaa sirrirratti fudhatameedhaa. Caasaa Motummaa gutumatti akka haarayaatti deebifnee ijaaruu, Naannichi kaabineen akka hogganamu taasiissuu, caasaa godinaaleefi kan aanootas kaabineen akka hogganaman taasissu fi humna namaatiin hanga dandayameetti akka guutaman taasifneerra.
  • Beela biyyattirratti bu’e (bara 2001-2003 nama miliyoona 13-14ttu beelaaf saaxilame) ilaalchisee Ummata Oromoo Miliyoona 3.8 beelawee turee, oso balaan hamaan nuhinqunnamiin toyachu akka dandayamu aantummaafi kaka’umsa sabbonummaa guddaatiin caasaan naannicha hundi hirmaanna guddaa akka taasiisufi balicha akka dhaabbatu taasifneerra. Seena biyya sani keessatti waggota lama keessatti qofa namoota kuma 300 oli qubachiifneerra. Yeroo Dargii, waggota heeddu keessatti nama kuma 600 qofa (sanummo akka biyya guutuutti) kan qubachiisan yo tayeelle, dhumarratti qubannaan sun, %85 kan fashalaaye tayuun niyaadatamaa! Baroota 2002-2003 garuu, naannoon Amaaraafi Naanoon Tigraayi ummanni waan dideef, kan qubachiisu dandayaan namoota kumoota kurnaniin laakkayamanidha. Oromiyaan maaliif milkoyte? Yeero jalqabaatiif Ummanni Oromoo qubachu barabaadufi waan nuti (bulchiinsii naannicha) jennu nu amanurrayi. Kana malees tokkummaafi birmannaa Ummanni keenna walii godhuu qabatamaan waan argeefidha. Warra tokkummaa keenna shakkuufis deebii amansiisaa kan itti muliifnee yeero kanaa. Ummanni Wallagga Lixaa,  Wallagga Bahaa, Iluu Abba Boraa fi Jimmaa mana qubataa ijaarudhaan, biddeena oo’aa mana isaati fiduudhaan, eddo tokko tokkottimmo saawwa dhaltii dabarsee keennudhaan waan ajaa’iiba tayee tokko hojjatee jiraa. Hojiin kuni halkani fi guyyaa toyannaa cimaafi, bakkatti (eddotti) argamuudhaan kan hojjatameefi hirmaannaa Saba Bal’aatiin kan milkaaye, caasaan Oromiyaa halkaniifi guyyaa karaa ijaarudhaan, bishaan baasudhaan, Kiliinika horiitifi kan namaa ijaarudhaan, ogeessi ufi isaati itti amanee eddoolee kanatti argamee akka hojjatu taasiisudhan wanta seena qabeessa taye raawwaanne jirra. Ar’allee, Ummata Oromo kan qubateefi kan qubachiisee, hojjattootaafi hoggantoota Oromoo aarsaa kaffalani Ummata keenna baraaraan galata guddaa galchaafi. Ijoon dubbi kanaa; yeeroo kamiyyu, yo rakkoon si mudatuu, abbaa falaafi abbaa malaa kan tayee Saba bal’aa Amani, Sabatti uf kenni, ajajuu oso hintaane yaada isaa irraa fudhadhuuti hojitti geeddarii, Ummatatii uf kenni. Kuni hojii kamiifu, yeero kamiyyu, eddo kamittu nihojjata jedheen amanaa.
  • Rakkoon inni biraa cimaan naqunnamee turee haala siyaasaa Oromiyaa kan ilaaludhaa. Akkuma asi olitti tuqeetti yeero lola Ertraafi Itophiyaa jiddutti adeemsifamaa tureerra ka’ee, paartii biyya bulchaa turee jiddutti rakko siyaasaa umameen, keessa keessa dubbiin danfa’aa dhuftee motummas haalan dadhabsiisaa kan fidde yo ta’u, Oromiyaa keessatti mormiin barattootaa garmalee cimaa akka turee niyaadatamaa. Bara 1999 yookiin 2000(?) keessa bosona Baaleefi Gujiitti ibiddi qabatu waliin walqabatees sosochiin barattoota Oromoo heddu owwaa turee. Bara 2001-2003ttis sochiin kuni keessattu godinaale gara lixaa jiran (Shawaa Lixaa, Wallagga Bahaafi Lixaa) keessatti rakkoo turee. Rakkoon yeeroo sanii akka ammaa kana, gadi bayu dhorkamuu ijollee oso hintayiin jeequmsa adda addaa toyachuutu rakko turee. Barattoonni mannen barnootaa fi qabeenna adda addaarratti miidhha geessaa turan akkamitti toyanna kan jedhu motummaa reefu debi’e dhaabbata jiruuf qormaata guddaa turee. Fakkennaf Magaalaa Walisootti kan argamu, manni barnoota Garasuu Dhukii gubachuun ni yaadatamaa. Haala kana keessatti gara tokkoon sochi ijoolle kana toyachuun akkasumas toyannaa kana keessatti miidhaan namarra akka hingeenne godhuun akkamitti dandayama kan jedhu dubbi hamaa akka tayee namni hundi hubachu nidandayaa. Kanarraa kan ka’een tooftaan ani itti fayyadame (1) sochiin ijoolle harka keenna ala akka hinbaane tooyachuu, yeerodhaaf ijoolle eddo muraasa tayanitti qabani tursiisudhaan spoorti hojjachiisani gadi lakkisuu akka filannoo tokkotti fudhadhee. Hanga ani beekutti haala kana keessatti ijoollen hidhamte torbaan 4-5 yeero hincaallef qofa akka tureedha; (2) dhimma ijoollen kaasan qabanne gara Ummataatti deemudhaan ijoollefi Ummatichaa mariisisuudhan rakko furuu, (3) pooliisiin Oromiyaa nama akka hinajjefneefi akka hinmadeessiine ufeggannoon ol’aanaan akka godhamu taasiisuu, (4) poolisiin Oromiyaa muxannoo jeequmsa toyachuu waan hinqabneef, yeero jalqabaatiif biyyatti keessatti humna jeequmsa bittinneessu (Riot Police) nama 500 ijaarudhaan meeshaan waraanaa dirree hiriiraa kamiyyu akka hinseenne taasiisu, (5) hidhamtoonni mana hidhaa Oromiyaa jala jiru hunda keessa jiran akka hintumamne qajeelfama cimaa poolisi fi bulchiinsa mana adabaa/hidhaatiif dabarsuufi kkf raawwachuudhhan balaan caalu akka nuhinmudanne taasisuf hojjadheen jira. Fakkeennaaf Bulchiinsa Motummaa Ummattota Kibbaa keessatti mormii Ummanni Sidaamaa Magaala Hawaasaa irratti kaaseen guyyaa tokko keessatti namni 25 akka du’e niyaadatamaa. Garuu Oromiyaa walakkaa keessatti (Lixa Oromiyaa guutuu) jeequmsii yeeroo dheeraaf adeemsiifama turee, balaan guddaan oso hinqunnamiin kan dabreef iccitiin isaa maali, jedhee namni hundi yaadu nidandayaa. Ijoolleen Yunivarsiti Finfinnee Biiroo tiyyatti dhufudhaan akka fedhanitti yaada mormii isaani dhiyeeffachaa akka turaniifi mariilee babal’aa adeemsiisaa akka turrefi nagayaan addaan akka deemaa turre beekkamu qabaa. Kana keessatti hanqinaafi dogongorri hinturre jechu kiyyammo akka hintaanee namni hundi akka naaf beeku gaafachaa eddo isatti, barreeffama kana keessatti akka kaasu nan mirkaneessaa.
  • Yeroo ani bulchaa tureetti hidhamaan mana hidhaa keessa jiru rakko dhiphiina eddo, rakko nyaataafi saaniteeshinii qabaachaa turani. Kuni durumarraa kan dhaalameedhaa. Haala manneen hidhaa keessa turan foyyeessuf hanga dnadayametti tarkaanfiwwan kanatti aanan fudhadheen turee; (1) bara 2003 namni 5800 akka dhifatamaan gadilakkifamu, bara 2004mmo 3500 akka galakkifamau taasiisneerra; kuni immo seenaa biyya sanii keessatti (keessahu sirna kana keessatti) kan jalqabaa turee, (2) mannen hidhaa hedduurra deemuudhaan ilaaluu, hidhamtoota waliin marii gaggabaabaa adeemsiisu, (3) manni fincaanii, dhiyeessiin bishaan dhugaatitiifi kan dhiqannaa akka dhiyaatuu taasiisuu, (4) eddoon midhaan itti bilcheessan akka foyya’an taasiisuu, (5) nyaata hidhamtootarratti jijjirama guddaa taasiissu fi kkf raawwatamaniru.
  • Dhiimmi biraa rakkisaan hanga ammaa hinfuramne dhimma Magaala Finfinneeti. Isa kana qorachiisuuf yo yallelle, dubbichi dhimma seeraa oso hintayiin dhimma siyaasaa tayuun isaa adeemsaan hubannee. Finfinneen lafa Tuulamaa, lafa weerara diinaatiin qabamtee, lafa Ummanni Oromoo Tuulamaa kuma hedduun laakkayamu lola yeero heddu (Eekkatti, Gaara hexootti, Gullalletti, Ejereetti) adeemsiifameen irratti dhumeedhaa. Qe’een Oromootaa, guututti ibiddaan barbaadaye, qabbenni isaa guutumatti saamamedha. Finfinneen AWWAALA Oromoo irratti ijaaramtee. Finfinneen handhuura Oromiyaa qofa oso hintaanee, seenaa Sabni nagaya biyya ufii keessatti mirga lubbuun jiraachuu dhabee itti dhume qabdii. Dhiigni namaafi looni weerartootaan gadi naqame akka bishaani laga keessa akka ya’aa ture seenaan nimu’lisaa. Dhimmi akkanaa, dubbi ogummaa seeraatiin hikkamuu oso hintaane, deebii siyaasaa qofaan akka tayee beekudhaan, haala yeeroo san tureen (ammas ni hammaatee malee wanti foyya’ee hinjiruu), gutumattis tayu dhabuu, akkamitti furmaata xixinnaa keennuun dandayama ka jedhu ilaallee turree. Haaluma Kanaan, (1) bulchaan Magaala Finfinne nama Oromoo akka tayu (mayor of the city), (2) mana marii bulchiinsa magaala Finfinne keessa barcuumaan %25ni Oromoodhaaf qofa akka hambifamee Motummaan Naannoo Oromiyaa namoota dandeetti qaban Magaala Finfinnee keessayis tayee Oromiyaarraa waldorgoomsiisee akka ramadu, barcumaa hafanirrattis namni Oromoo namoota saba biro waliin waldorgomee yo filatamee eddo qabachuu akka dandayu, carraan banaa akka tayu, (3) galii Magaalli Finfinne galchiitu keessaa %10-20 tayu Oromiyaadhaf akka galu, (4) xurii, hasbaafi shama Finfinnee keessa gadiyaa’u warshaaleen hundi fayyisani (treated waste) malee akka gadi hinlakkifnee akkasumas manni qopheessaa, xurii fi kosii goggogaa seera egumsa naannoo eggateen akka maqsuufi Buulchiinsa Motummaa Naanno Oromiyaa waliin akka hojjatu kan jedhuuf kan biroolle akka mariatamaa tureefi wixineen yaadaafi seeraa akka dhiyaataa turee ninbeekaa. Kannen hunda keessa laakkofsa 1ffa jalatti kan tuqe qofti hojirra yoo oolu kan hafan akka hojirra hinoolles ninbeekaa. Rakkoon Siyaasaa Finfinnee Rakkoo Siyyaasa Ummata Oromootiin addaan baafame ilaaluun akka hindandaymnee adeemsa kana keessatti baradheen jiraa. Hanga sani bulchiinsi motummaa Oromiyaa Magaala Finfinne keessa akka turuu, dhimmoonni Oromummaa agarsiissan tokko tokkos akka ijaaraman, fakkennaaf manneen barnoota afaan Oromoo, jiddu gala aadaa Oromoo…. Kannen keessayis wanti jalqabame yo jiraatelle harkifannaafi foqooqaa akka tayee amanuun barbaachiisaadhaa.
  • Rakkoon Siyaasaa Ummata Oromoo, gara tokkoon yoo ilaalamu, rakkoo magaalaa fi baadiyaa tayee argamaa. Ummanni Oromoo gaafa ani Oromiyaa turee (2001-2005), %89 baadiyyaa keessatti bittinnaayee jiraataa. Magaaloonni naanno Oromiyaa, keessattu Finfinnerra gara bahaatti kan argaman kan ijaaraman Ummata Oromootiin akka hintaanee namani hundii nibeekaa. Magaalli lafa siyaasaan, daldalli, walqunnamtiifi odeeffannooon baliinaan keessatti argamuudhaa. Caasseffama (socio-economic hierarchy) hawaasoota biyya guddataa jirani keessatti magaaloonni mataa yoo tayan badiyyaan isaani gadidhaa. Ummanni Oromoo, Magaalota keessaa akka ari’atamu, magaaloonni lafa hidhaa, lafa afaaniif aadaan isaa itti qaaneeffamu, walumaagalatti biyya isaa oso hintayiin akka waan biyya ormaa dhaqeetti akka itti dhagayamuu godhamani ijaaramani. Bulchiinsii, ilaalchii, amantiin, propogaandaan midiyaale, qaani tokko malee waggota 136f ololaafi maqaa balleessaa Orommoorratti adeemsiisaa turani. Bara 1991 booda erga bulchiinsii naannolee ijaaramee kaasee, Magaaloota Dirre Dhawaafi Finfinnee malee kan hafan Oromiyaa jalatti akka bulan yo taasifamu, ummanni magaaloota kana keessa jiru garuu garri caalu Oromoo waan hintayiiniif rakko ifatti mul’atu akka ta’ee hubachuudhaan Ummanni Oromoo magaaloota Naanno isaa keessa jiranitti akka galu yaalii godheen dhiibbaan ifaafi ifa hintaanee narratti adeemsifameeraa. Projeektiin kunis akka fashaalaayu taasifamuun isaa dhimma gadda guddaadhaan yaadadhuudhaa. Sababni isaas, Oromoon lafa qotee, horii horsiisee qofa ummata biro kan magaalotaa fi kanafu, siyaas-dinagdee isaa toyatu qallabuun yakkaa jedheen waan amanuufi. Ummanni Oromoo ar’aa oso hintayiin bara 1990mman keessa magaalota isaa toyachuu qaba turee. Ummata Oromoo biyya keessa jiruufi daayaasporaa adda addaa akka biyyatti galee lafa fudhatu yeero jalqabaatiif anatuu yaali godhee. Yaanni kiyyas kan maddu, lafa Oromoo gurguruuf oso hintaanee siyaas-dinaggee magaaloota isaa akka inni toyaatuuf turee. Haluma amma jiru keessattis dhimmi sirrifi mirga ennuyyu oso hintuqnee mirga Oromoo kan tarkaanfachiisuu dandayu ajandaa ebbifamaa turee. Kuni danqaa siyaasaa fi dhiibba bal’aafi olola dubbi micciruutiin fashalaaye. Kuni aangoo Motummaa Naanno Oromiya fi mirga OPDOti turee; garuu hintaanee.
  • Dhimmi biro dhimma Jimaatii. Jimaan, keessayyu kan baha Oromiyaa amma sadarkaa lammaffarratti sharafa biyya alaa kan galchiitudhaa. Jimaa tana garuu, Oromoon keessatti miskinayee, gadadoofi hiyyuummaadhan jala deeme omishuu, gaheen inni keessa qabuu, heddu xiqqaadhaa. Saamtoonnii (motummaafi motummaa alas kanjiran) adda addaa daldaltoota Oromoo hintayiin waliin waltayuudhaan Oromoo dhiiga isaa xuuxaa jirani. Kana jijjirudhaaf qonnaan bulaa godinaalee Hararghee lamaan keessa jiran waldaya gamtaatiin waliitti ijaarudhaan gandi hundi waldaya tokko akka qabaatu godhuudhhan waldaalee godina lamaanimmo Yuniyeeni (union) Humbanaa-Carcar ijaarudhaan sosochi abdi nama keennu uumnee turree. Haa tayu malee, caasaan hannaan xaxamee daldaltoota saamtootaa Oromoo quncifachaa jiraniin waliigaludhaan Yuniyeeni keenna akka diiggamuufi waldaaleen b’uuraas akka diiggaman taasifamu isaa, gadda zamanni hinshaarren yaadadhdhaa! Rakkoon Jimaa Oromiyaa dhimma Ijoo siyaasaati malee dhimma daldaalaa, kan teekinika akka hintaanees hubadheen jiraa. Jimaan qabxii qabsoo Oromoo keessaa isa tokko akka tayees niinamanaa! Ragaa Oromoon qabeenna isaarratti abboomu dadhabuu Jimaafi Bunaa ol wanti dhiyaatu akka hinjirree, qabsaayeen, hojjadheen argeeraa.
  • 4. Dhimmoota dogongoraa fi dhiifama irratti Gaafadhuu:
    Bara 2001-2012tti motummaa amma biyya bulchaa jiru kessatti eddo gara gararratti sadarkaa gaggeesummaatti hojjadheen jiraa. Yeroo kana keessatti dhimmota imaammataa fi dhimmota seeraafi siyaasaas dabalatee murtilee gurguddo murteesseen jiraa, yookaan immo akka murtaayan sagalee kiyya keennudhaan qooda keessatti fudhadheen jiraa. Kuni, motummaa naannos tayee motummaa feedeeraalas nidabalataa. Murtilee kana hunda isaanituu Ummanni Oromoos tayee Umaanni biyyatti akka miidhaman, akka badan, akka cunqurfaman yaade murtii kamiyyu murteessu baadhuulle, murtileen ani murteessefi akka murtayaan ani gargaaree Ummattooto biyyattifi Ummata kiyyas (Ummata Oromoo) kan miidhan yo jiraatan hal duree tokko malee dhifaman gaafadhaa. Ani ilma qonnaan bulaa, haccuccaafi hiyyummaan baadiyya maal akka taate beeku, Ummata waggota 136f mirga isaa gonfachuuf qabsaayu keessaa bayee. Ilaalchi kiyya yoomiyyu hawwi Ummata Oromootiin addaan hinbayuu. Murtiwwan ani raawwadheen Sabni bal’aa fi namoonni dhuunfaas kan waliin hojjadhees taye hojjachiise kan miidhaman yo tayan dhiifaman gaafadhaa.Bara 2001-2003 ykn 2004 jeequmsa barattoonni kaasaa turan keessatti hanga ani beekutti barattoonni lama rasaasa poolisi Oromiyaatiin du’un isaani ni beekkamaa. Haala asi olitti baliinaan ibsee sana keessatti of eggannoon ol’aanaan fudhatamulle garuu, dogongoronni akkanaa dhabamu waan dandayan hinseyu. Mgaala Shaambuutiifi Magaala Amboo kessatti akkuma rakkoon kuni umamuu dhagayeen poolisooni dhukaasa kana banan to’annaa jala oolani akka seeratti dhiyaatan yo taasiisu, gara biraatiin Gumaan Lubbu waarra ijolleettif oso oolee hinbuliin akka kafalamu taasiiseen jiraa. Tayulle lubbuu namoota dabraniitiif haal duree tokko malee dhiifamaan gaafadhaa.Barattota Yunivarsiti Finfinnee 300 tayan kan arisiisee Juneeydidha jedhame kan haasayamee citu didee hanga ar’aa deemaa jiru kijiba adiidhaa. Ijollee kana kan ari’ee motummaa Fedeeraalaati. Dubbiin oo’itee jennaan warri feedeeraalaa gara keenna darbatee. Oromiyaa guutuu keessatti ilmaan Oromoo Yunivarsitii keessa jiran hundi akka waan ari’amanitti waan ololfameef deebii gara midiyaatiin ani akka keennu OPDOn murteessee. Haaluma Kanaan gabaasa warri fedeeraalaa gara keenna ergeerratti (ijolleen foodda layibraarii caccabsuu, sirni baruufi barsiisuu akka gufatu taasiisuu, preezidanticha Yunivarsiti waajjira isaatti marsuudhaan guyya walakkaaf (hotage) godhuufi kkf) hundaayudhaan ibsa kennee turee. Ibsi sunis (1) namni Oromo Yunivarsitiwwan saddettan yeero san turan keessatti baratu kuma 10ni ol akka taye, (2) ijoolleen kuni karaa nagayaatiin mormii isaani dhiyeffachuu oso dandayaan qabeenna caccabsuufi preezidaanti hostage godhani qabachuun sirri akka hinturrefi murtiin motummaan fedeeraalaa fudhate sirridha kan jedhu turee. Kanarratti dogongorri kiyya akkataa ibsa san itti kennedha malee murtii keenname sani anis tayee OPDOn jijjiruu hindandayu turee! Hinbeekus turee! Murtiin ariisaa ijoolle sanis murtii siyaasaa turee malee murti bulchiinsaa hinturre. Murtii qaamni biraa murteesserratti ibsa akkasi keennuun kiyya dogongora akka tayee bara 2005 Baatii Adooleessa barattoota Yunivarsitii, kumaatamatti laakkayaman baati tokko oliif, Hadamaarratti OPDOn leenjisurratti, guyyota 5nif anis qooda fudhadheen, achirratti barataaf haala kana ibseefi gocha oso hintayiin jecha kiyyaf dhiifama gaafadhee barataan guutuun gammachuufi oo’ina guddaadhaan harka dhayee narraa fudhateera. Ani nama barnoonni Oromiyaa gandoota 6500 keessatti akka diriirfamu taasiiseedha. Bara kiyyaa, hojiiwwan hojjataman keessa inni guddaan mannen barnootaa gandoota baadiyyaa Oromiyaa akka walgayan, Oromoon humna isaatiin, qabeenna isaatiin, mana barnoota akka ijaaruu, mana barsiisota baadiyya akka ijaaruu, manneen barnnotaa akka qabeenaa ufitti fudhatee akka qooda keessattis fudhatuu Ummata Keennatti warwaadheen amansiisee hojii guddaa hojjadhee jiraa. Oromoon waggaa dhibbaf akka farda lugaamame bishaan taliila yaa’u dhuguu dadhabee bira dhaabbatutti barnootarraa ittiifamee turee; amma garru seenaa kana hajijjirru jedheen Ummatati booyee, boochisee haala jijjiree. Ar’aa “dhaloota qubee” jedhamee kan waamamu kuni kan ardii Oromootirra oldammaqee Oromummaa finiinsaa jiruu kuni qabsoo hadhaawaadhaan dhufee. Bara san bara barsiisaan paantiitti deebi’ee Chalk ittin barsiisuu lafa kaayee dhoqqee dhiitee mana maarigee/laambubeedha. Barri sun, bara Oromoon guyyaa tokkotti mana barnoota sadarkaa tokkoffa itti ijaare fixu turee, barri sun Oromoon qabeenna ufi baasee, baati 3 fi 4 keessetti mana barnoota sadarkaa lammaffas tayee kan BLTO xumuratee biiro tiyyaafi biiroo barnoota Oromiyaas dhufee barsiisaa nukeenna jedhaa turee, barri sun bara mannen hirriba kollejjotaa gara kutaa barnootaatti jijjirre ijoollef immo qarshii nyaataafi kiraa manaa kafalle Oromiyaa keessatti raajiin hojjatameedha. Asirratti hojii guddaa akkanaa kana kan hojjadhee kophaa kiyya miti. Bu’ura Obbo Ibsaa Guutamaa bara ce’umsaa lafa kaayeerratti hogganoota Biiroo Barnoota Oromiyaa kan yeerro adda addaa hundayyu (Mulugeetaa Ammannaa, Birhaanuu, Yohaanis Gendaa, Haaruun Hussen…) dhamaatii isaanitiif kan galatoonfadhu yo ta’eyyu, Obbo Darajjee Asfaaw kophaattiin yaadadhaa. Darajjee was the stabilizer of Oromiyaa Education. Kanaafi Ummanni Oromoo bal’aan kan biyyafi biyya ormaa keessa jiru haqa turee, hanqina tureefi haala turee yaada keessa galchee murti isaa akka keennu isaaf dhiisaa.Dhimmoonni biro kan midiyyarrattis tayee waltajjii adda addarratti dubbadhee mala qaroomina walqunnamtiitiin (communication science) kan hindeggaramne akka tayee ninbeekaa. Haala Kanaan jechoota nama hinharkifne, kan nama waraananiifi kan nama dhuunfaas tayee Saba tuqaan jiraachuu nimalu. Jechoota faallaa mirga Oromoo tayani mul’atan hundaa, Ummanni akka irra naaf taru gaafadhaa.Bara 2012 rakko babal’aa Ummata Musliimaatiifi motummaa fedeeraalaa jiddu tureerratti ana ilaalchiisee walhubannaa dhabiitiin akka umamee ninbeekaa. Ani Oromoodha. Oromummaan mallatto ennummaa kiyyaatti. Ani Muusliima. Kunis ennumma kiyya. Rakkoo deemaa turtee keessatti (hiikudhaaf) kan qooda fudhadhee gara baatii Gurrandhala, 2012ti. Ijjannoon kiyya, (1) ummanni musliimaa bakka lamatti walqoodee walfixuun irra hinjiraatu, kanaafis ummata kiristaanaa Ortodooksii, Kaatolikii, Protestaantii ilaalaa, yoo walihingalles garaa garummaa keessan walif kabajaati jiraadhaa kan jedhu, (2) waajjira majiliisa Islaamatiifi warra Towhiida jedhaman walitti fidudhaaf yaalli godheeraa, (3) haala yeero sana tureen kana godhuun kiyyas paarti biyya bulchaa jiruuf waan gaaridha malee hamaadha jedhee hinyaannee, (4) haalli biyyatti keessa turee rakkisaa waan tayeef (mummichii ministroota dhibee keessa waan tureef, yo inni fayye galee anatu isiin fuudhee biraa dhaqnee waan barbaaddan gaafattani. Hanga sani ummata tasgabeessa kan jedhu ture). Ani kana godhaa kan tureef namoota muusliima tayan kan kaabinee feederaalaa keessa jiran gara 7 ykn 8 tayan keessaa, isaan caalaa muusliima tayee oso hintayiin dhimmi ummataa, yeeroo kamiyyuu waan nadhibuuf cal jedhee ilaaluu hindandeenne. Garuummo, Yaaliin kiyya gara motummaatinis tayee gara ummataatiin ija gaariin hin’ilaalamnee. Asirratti amanti Ahbash jedhamtu kan Shek Abdalla Adareetiin biyya Lubnaan (Lebanon) irra hogganamtuf gartummaa agarsiiseen turee. Sababnis, ani (traditional Islam) kan jedhamu hordofaa waanan tureef, amantiin Jaarsi kuni oofus Kanaan walitti waan dhuftuuf turtee. Haa tayu malee, ani ummanni musliimaa kan Towhidaa amantii isaa hinadeemsifatiin jedhee gaafa tokkos dubbadhee hinbeekuu. Warri matooti amantii kanaas kan Oromoo tayan hundaayyu ninbeekaa. Gartummaa Ahbashi agarsiisuu kiyyaf garuu, dhiifaman gaafadhaa.
  1. Dhimmota sirrayu qaban:
    Ani hanqinoota heddu nama qabuudhaa. Muxanno hojiifi ogummaa adda addaa heddu yo qabaadheelle, ammas hanqina heddu akkan qabuu nama ufbeekudhaa. Kanaafu yeero hundaa waltajji jireennaafi qabsoo kamirrayyu dafee barachuudhaaf yaalii taasiisaa tureera. Kanaaf hanqinni akka narra jiru barudhaan hojiifi adeemsa kiyya foyyeessuf carraaqaan ture ammas ittiin jiraa. Haa tayu malee, ololoota akka faashisti ani tayeetti oofaman ninbalaaleefadhaa! Ani nama waan fascism taye bareechee beekudhaa. Ani, naanno yoon bulchaa tureefi fedeeraala keessa yeeroon hojjadhutti nama Oromoos tayee nama biraa tokkolle, eddo kamittu akka ajjeefamu karaa ifa tayeefi karaa dhoksaa tayeenis wanti tokko ani raawwadhee hinjiruu. Ittis hinamanuu. Kana malees yeroon ummata Oromoo bulchaa turee, Ummatatti ufkenneeti hojjadhe malee ummatarraa uf hinqabnee. Diriirfadhee taaiitaa ooisaa hinbaanee. Gandoota Oromoo dhaqabuudhaan, qe’ee isaa oso hinyaadatamne dhaquudhaan, mana isaa seenuudhan, urgaa isaa urgeeffachuudhaan waggota afran dabarsee. Yo biiroon rakko fiddus, gara baadiyyaa deemaan turee. Baadiyyaa yo deemu ninfayyaa! Fakkeennaaf yeero tokko Magaalaa Mandii- Wallagga Lixaa keessatti, hojii ilaaluf yeeroon deemu waraanni biyyaa, naannawa sana jiru hidhanno guutuu qabatee ummata bayee karaa gamaa gamana dhaabbatee nasimachuuf bayerratti, fuulaan itti garagalee qawwee gara ummataa qabee animmo jiddu sana akka dabru qophaayee turee. Battalumatti, waraanni kuni asi ka’u malee lafa daaw’annaa san hindeemu jedhee diduudhaan namicha basaasaa naanno sana jiruun hatattamaan akka kaasu itti himee. Innis nageenna keetiif jennaan, ani ummata Oromoorra uf hineeguu, waan ummata Oromoorra dabreemmo humni dafee dhaqabaa Oromiyaa (kan Yoonaatanniifi Dirribaa Aariqoo leenjisan) nama 10ni gadi kan hintaaneetu nawaliin jiraa. Eegumsa warana biyyaa, Oromiyaan hingaafanne jechudhaan waraanicha kaasiiseen ummata keessa miila kiyyaan deemee, harka fuudhee, waliin nyadhee dhugee, Oromummaa agarsiiseen Oromummas argeen galee. Mandiin lafa hoggansi OPDO hanga guyyaa sanitti dhaqee hinbeekneedha. Lafti sun, lafa hoggantoonni ABO tokko tokko itti dhalatan waan taateef akka lafa ABOtti fudhatamtii. Edoo kamittu, yeeroo kamiyyu Ummata Oromoorra hinqoollifanne. Oloola maqaa balleessaafi ennumma namaa biyya faranjii, biyya iftooma qabduu keessa ta’aani oso haqaafi dhara addaan hinbaafne namarratti duuluun Oromoo diiguudha jedheen abaaraa.Waayee amantirratti Sheekkota areeda dheeraa qaban isinirra haada jedheeni; jedhamee saalfii tokko malee warri oduu kana gadidhiisuu, ammas Ummata Oromootiifi ana waldhabssiisuf warra carraaqudha. Warroonni kunimmo biyya keessafi (caasaa motummaa keessafi isaa alas) biyya alas warra jiran akka tayee ninbeekaa. Ani warra amantii dhiisiti nama kamiyyu, garaa garummas yon qabaadhees nama kabajudhaa. Kanammo Sabni bal’aan nibeekaa. Caasaa OPDO keessatti namni biiroo isaa Ummata Oromootiif yeeroo jalqabaatiif bane anadhaa. Qonnaan bulaan, hojjataan, warrii amantii, hiyyeessi, dureessi, dhiiraafi dhalaan, diqqaafi guddaan biiroo tiyya hindhufne hinturree. Namni kaffalti geejibaa gara biyyatti galuun dhabees na bira dhufaa turee. Mahallaqa kiisii tiyyaa fixeen hojjattoota na gargaaranirra liqeenfachaa akka turee, gaafa tokko ragaan kun ifa tayaa.OPDO ilaalchisee yaadonni keennaman addaan baafamani ilaalamu qabani. Yaada kana kaniin kennuf OPDO “defend” godhuufi miti. OPDOn kan ijaaramtee TPLFn akka tayee OPDOn mataa isii waggoota 20 booda amantee jirti. OPDOn sabbonummaa Oromummaa qabuufi kan hinqabne akka jiran beekkamu qabaa. OPDO keessa akka namni alaa ilaalu oso hintaanee qabsoo hamaatu gaggeefamaa. Qabsoon kunis Oromummaafi waan Oromummaa hintaanee jiddutti adeemsifamaa. Miseensi OPDO sababa adda addaatiin kumaatamaan ari’atamu, hojii ala tayee waan nyaatu dhabee kararratti kufuu, kan mana hidhaa keessa jirus baay’eedha. Fakkennaf, hattertaa jedhamee kan gadi aanu, mana hidhaatti kan darbatamuuf waan Oromumma cimaa agarsiisuufi. Hanna Yoo ta’ee akkuma biyyattitittu, rakko hikkamu hindandeenne keessa erga lixame tureeraa. Kanaafi humnii biyya alaa jiru, OPDO yo xinnaate miseensa miliyoona 3 qabuu, kana keessa %80 qonnaan bulaa keenna waraqaa ennumma argachuuf miseensoome, akkasumas sabbontoota jajjaboo,  OPDO rakko qabu waliin moyyee takkatti naqani akka midhaan findigoo, findiguun dogongora waggota 25niif irraa baratamu dadhabameedha waan tayeef, sirrayu qabaa jedheen amanaa. Goota, goota haqqisuu; sabboonaa bobayaa buluu, haala rakkisaa tayee keessatti aarsaa garmalee kaffalaa kan jiru akka lafarra jiru beeknee yaadaan gargaaruun Oromummaa cimsa malee hindiiguu, hindadhabsiisu, hinballeessu.Ani biyya tana ergan gayee waggota lamaa. Yeroo kana keessatti haala daayaspooran keessa jiru hubachuuf yaalaan jiraa. Yeeroo kana keessatti namootaa adda addaa waliin bilbilaan haasayuudhan karaa Oromumman itti cimtuufi tokkummaan Ummata keenna itti jabaaturratti yaada kiyya laadheen jiraa. Yeeroo amma kanatti dhaaba siyyas tayee garee siyaasaa kamiyyu keessa kan hinjirreefi qo’aannaa fi barnootarra akkan jiru ibsuun barbaadaa. Kanuma waliinis, Oromoon daayaaspooraa keessa jiru eddo dhalootaafi qoomoodhaan walqooduun isaa, dhimma Oromummaa ifatti miidhu tayuun isaa beekkamuu qabaa. Qomoon Oromoo hundinuu, faaya keenna. Faayaa kana tuttuquun, walii dabarfachuu dhabuun, ufeggannoo malee jechoota nama miidhan akkuma fedhan qomoo tokkorratti ykn kan biraarratti darbachuun waan nu diigudhaa. Muxannoo kiyyarraa wantiin argee, Oromoo morma walqabatee walitti booyuu malee Oromoo walirratti duulu miti. Biyya keessatti haalli kuni hinjiru jechuun nidandayamaa. Qaawwa hintaanee ufi ufitti bannee waan ufdadhabsiisnee natti fakkaataa. Kanaafu hojii namni hundi foyyeessuu qabu jedheen amanaa.

 

Galatoomaa

Juneeydii Saaddoo Cirrii

Bitooteessa 5, 2016

Press Release of OFC-ISG on the OPDO’s statement on Current Situations in Oromia

TOO LATE TOO LITTLE AND AN INSULT TO INJURY

OFC

Since the inception of the peaceful political protests in Oromia region two months ago, Tigran Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) has intensified atrocities and inhuman treatments of the Oromo people beyond human imagination. Indiscriminate arrests and detention of Oromos, extrajudicial killings, and abductions to unknown destinations with the whereabouts of the abductees unknown to friends and family member has continued unabated.

Our main concern in this regard is the 800 to 1000 Oromo higher education students whose whereabouts are not known but believed to be taken to Tigray region. There are thousands of Oromos in illegal concentration camps like military barracks, factory grounds, private homes, and government offices on top of the 140 innocent Oromos killed by the TPLF led Ethiopian government. Having all these inhuman treatments and carnage on the ground as a witness, the statement given by OPDO on January 12, 2016, flatly failed to address the concerns of the Oromo people. The statement we believe is drafted by the TPLF as usual and given to OPDO to be catered to the Oromo and the world at large.

Read more on this @Press Release by Oromo Federalist Congress- International Support Group